In 1988, evangelicals helped Episcopalian George H. W. Bush defeat Michael Dukakis, "the first truly secular major-party candidate for president," but they embraced him less enthusiastically than Reagan. Although Bill Clinton professed to be a Christian, attended church regularly, and used evangelical rhetoric, his personal traits—especially his sexual infidelity—and liberal political policies irritated and offended many members of the Religious Right.
Evangelicals were attracted to George W. Bush's Christian testimony, "compassionate conservativism," and pledge to "restore decency and honor to the White House." The 2000 election demonstrated that candidates' faith had become important to many Americans, but voters were more concerned with the candidates' sincerity than with the particularities of their religious commitments. Aided by John Kerry's refusal to openly discuss his faith and his own frank professions of faith, Bush captured a large percentage of the votes of regular church attenders, enabling him to narrowly win reelection in 2004.
Based on this analysis, Balmer contends that no clear connection exists between a president's faith and personal morality and his policies. The record of the last four and half decades suggests that candidates' professions of faith are "a fairly poor indicator of how they govern." Although Balmer finds fault with all nine presidents, he is most critical of Republican chief executives. Reagan failed to deliver on his campaign promises that he claimed were inspired by his religious commitments, Balmer says. He excoriates George W. Bush, denouncing the "radical disjunction" between "Bush's claims of moral rectitude and his indifference to the moral ramifications of his policies," especially his "aggressive" military campaign in Iraq, which flouted Christian just-war criteria.
In light of the record of the past 45 years, Balmer concludes, it is unfortunate that Americans focus more on whether presidential candidates "pass some sort of catechetical test" than on whether they possess charisma, political skills, substantial foreign and domestic policy experience, and administrative expertise. Although voters should consider a candidate's faith because it provides insight into his character, Balmer maintains, it should only be one of numerous factors they take into account. He faults Americans for expecting the president to be "the sum total of our projections about the supposed goodness and honor and moral superiority of America" and politicians for encouraging us to "see them as embodiments of our supposed virtue."
While the presidency has been damaged by injecting religious considerations into it, Balmer insists, faith has been harmed by politicizing it. The reputation of Quakerism was not improved by its connection with Nixon, nor was that of the Disciples of Christ aided by its association with Johnson or Reagan. Moreover, Balmer asserts, the Religious Right gained very little from its active participation in the political process. Once a faith is identified "with a particular candidate or party or with the quest for political influence," it suffers.






