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One of the more remarkable events in recent Irish history was the formation of a power-sharing government in Northern Ireland in 2007. Unionist Ian Paisley, then head of the Democratic Unionist Party and moderator of the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster, became the First Minister, while Republican Martin McGuinness of Sinn Fein became the Deputy First Minister. Contrary to expectations, Paisley and McGuinness got on famously. Shortly before Christmas 2007, the "odd couple of Ulster" helped open IKEA's first Irish store, in Belfast, posing on a red sofa for photographers. Paisley expressed delight that the store made it easier for the man from Ballymena (his heavily Protestant constituency) "to buy cheap" because "[i]t's got the best possible goods for the lowest possible price."[1]
As Paisley's tribute to Presbyterian frugality suggests, Presbyterians have a distinctive identity—both cultural and religious. It's not Presbyterians' tightfistedness but their religious identity that concerns Andrew Holmes in The Shaping of Ulster Presbyterian Belief and Practice, 1770-1840. He aims to describe the theological character of Ulster Presbyterianism, paying particular attention to interactions between clergy and laity, the variety of Presbyterian opinions, and the significance of individual faith. Throughout the study, Holmes notes the growth of Presbyterian evangelicalism, which he defines as the search for reform and renewal within the church, and not as enthusiasm or individualism.
Holmes starts his study in 1770, by which time Presbyterianism was well established in Ireland, having been brought to the island by Scottish settlers in the early 17th century. Perhaps justifying a Presbyterian reputation for fractiousness, Irish Presbyterians were not monolithic. The majority of Irish Presbyterians belonged to the Synod of Ulster. In the early 18th century, a seceding synod formed, which subsequently split into two further synods. The Presbytery of Antrim, the Remonstrant Synod of Ulster, and Reformed Presbyterians known as Covenanters further contributed to the Presbyterian mix. Despite differences over theology, common religious practice united Presbyterians. They met weekly on the Lord's Day to hear sermons and sing psalms. They celebrated communion twice a year. They baptized their children and buried their dead according to their own forms. They learned the Westminster Catechism and read the Bible.
Describing the shared religious identity of Ulster Presbyterian laity is no easy task. Holmes faces the problem of getting from the pulpit to the pew, a problem common to all who write the history of lay belief. Pastors leave abundant records of their theological opinions; lay people are less likely to do so. Holmes responds to the challenge by using a variety of sources to gauge lay belief. In addition to printed theological tracts and denominational publications, he considers Kirk visitations, poetry, and occasional lay records. While the voice of pastors is always present, he skillfully uses clerical reports and sermons to describe the corporate life of the laity.
Ulster politics further complicate Holmes' project, especially since he wants to examine religious history separately from political history. He essentially treats the religious history of Ulster Presbyterianism in isolation and avoids broader political and social questions. Major political events, such as the 1798 Irish rebellion, are mentioned only in passing, and the wider social and political context of religious history is elided. Holmes tracks a few temporal changes, such as the growth of evangelicalism, but mainly he focuses on constant patterns.
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