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During the last several years, evangelicals have engaged in numerous initiatives in racial reconciliation, causing even the most jaded observers of race relations in the movement to take notice. The Southern Baptist Convention repented for its "sin of racism." The National Association of Evangelicals and the National Black Association of Evangelicals (NBEA) took significant steps toward healing their historic rift. Two Pentecostal denominational associations—one white, one black, which had originally split a hundred years ago—merged. Promise Keepers (PK) made its "sixth promise," which focuses on racial reconciliation, the movement's priority for 1996.

As a Latino journalist reporting on racial issues in the church for the past 13 years (see, for instance, CT, "The Myth of Racial Progress," Oct. 4, 1993), I have never seen racial awareness in the evangelical church on the scale we witnessed these last couple of years. And for that we should feel encouraged.

At the same time, this progress raises the stakes for evangelicalism. If the movement fails to convert these high-profile actions into true reconciliation—a state where nonwhites experience real equality and acceptance—race relations could actually worsen in the church. Already there are rumblings among black Southern Baptists and members of the NBEA that structural changes have stalled and they are going back to "business as usual." As Latinos say, Entre el dicho y el hecho, hay mucho trecho—between words and deeds there's much road to travel. The toxicity of past promises gone sour is still high among African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans.

What will it take to experience true reconciliation? Good intentions are not enough. For example, a large, white church in Chicago was surprised when their conciliatory efforts backfired. The church had bought large blocks of tickets to give to black and Latino churches so their members could attend the summer 1996 pk rally at Soldier Field. At a prerally meeting, several black pastors angrily denounced the move as patronizing. "We can buy our own tickets!" one said.

The exchange of warm fuzzies won't do, either. For instance, when the nearly 70,000 men present at the Chicago pk rally were asked by the emcee, "Gentlemen, why are we here?," they shook the stadium with shouts of "To break down the walls!" But racial reconciliation involves more than a pep rally. Stadium-induced pledges will only be an exciting first step when something substantive follows.

Does the white Promise Keeper want-ing to hug me with reconciling fervor take into account that he may support immigration policies that make Latinos—whether U.S.—born, legal immigrant, or undocumented—feel scrutinized every time they go to the doctor or take a child to school? that many Latinos could end up on the streets once welfare reform goes into full effect at the city and neighborhood level? that crackdowns on drugs are disproportionately applied to communities of color? that English-language-only initiatives create a climate where the desire to inculcate in my daughter my language and culture is seen as un-American? The next step for racial reconciliation needs to include rethinking the social and political issues that divide and exasperate our communities.

Many white evangelicals will be shocked to hear that the 8 million-member National Baptist Convention, U.S.A. (NBCUSA), the largest African-American denomination in the United States, is calling for its members to refrain from supporting Billy Graham's California crusade. After all, it was Graham who refused to preach to segregated audiences early in his career. And recently he was quoted in Parade magazine, saying: "We must do all we can to eliminate racism, hunger and homelessness." But the nbcusa chides Graham for not supporting affirmative action, which they believe has been effective in providing equal opportunity to thousands of minorities and women. Also, they are upset that Graham, who declared himself a Democrat in the Parade article, received a much-publicized visit from Sen. Jesse Helms, the arch-conservative Republican from Graham's home state of North Carolina, in the waning days of Helms's dogfight re-election campaign against Harvey Gantt, an African-American candidate (a race that Helms narrowly won).

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February 3 1997, Vol. 41, No. 2