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Scholars have long branded Pentecostalism an eminently "otherworldly" religion, focused more on things above than the mundane below. To many that seems like a foregone conclusion, given the movement's emphasis on charismatic experiences, intense religiosity, and ascetic tendencies. Even highly respected Pentecostal scholars argue this point. This judgment misses part of the genius of Pentecostalism, and this book illustrates that point well.

Joining Cox, Shaull and Cesar make the argument that Pentecostalism is in fact very "this-worldly." What surprised these two was the way Brazilian Pentecostals talked about Jesus. Jesus is someone real and close; he does amazing things in the vicissitudes of daily life. He delivers people from demons, yet also provides the most practical assistance, like food and shelter. Even language, which is so fundamental to human existence, is transformed and infused with the divine through the phenomenon of speaking in tongues.

The result of such "this-worldliness" is the transformation of these individuals into new social actors. One lives not only in the world, but in it more fully, with a new purpose. Everything is used to spread the message that God is intimately active (and not only active but at war against Satan).

Cesar lists several examples of this. If the task of evangelizing requires buying a multimillion-dollar TV station to promote the cause, so be it. Nothing, not even the political arena, is off-limits.

Cesdar quotes statistics from the 1995 election: of the 30 elected senators and representatives, 19 were Pentecostal. This is a populist, activist religion, which attempts to apply the transformation experienced by the individual to the broader society.

Not only is the individual changed by the message, Shaull the theologian suggests, but the message itself is to some extent changed by the Pentecostal experience among the poor.

"In Pentecostalism," he argues, "poor and broken people discover that what they read in the Gospels is happening now in their midst" (Shaull's emphasis). The kingdom of God breaks into the here and now—and changes it.

One will find little emphasis on premillennial theology among these Brazilian Pentecostals.

Look for a lot of repetition in this book; the authors spend considerable time saying some of the same things in different ways, and sometimes not even in different ways. Anyone familiar with other works on the sociology of religion will be frustrated with Cesar's analysis. Cesar says little about methodology, and he supports too many conclusions with only anecdotal testimonies. He quotes other sociologists selectively and without a sustained dialogue. Most of what is taking place here is a description of the religious life of Brazilian Pentecostals and not rigorous, comparative analysis.

These shortcomings are especially problematic because of the study's thesis that there is something fundamentally different about Brazilian Pentecostalism, with global implications.

Shaull and Cesar are certainly on to something. Without a doubt, Pentecostalism resonates with the Brazilian poor in a unique way.

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November 13 2000, Vol. 44, No. 13