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Take liberalism as a case in point: All varieties of liberalism (including much of American conservatism) adhere to a creed of individual autonomy, as long as such autonomy does not impinge on the freedom of others. Classical liberalism is right on the mark in its assertion "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

But, as Koyzis points out, liberalism's inordinate emphasis on freedom is paradoxical and has often resulted in restricted freedoms. The liberal political project that inspired the America Revolution was primarily about defending the natural rights of human beings. But as liberal politics evolved, it spawned the regulatory state, the equal opportunity state, and most recently what Koyzis dubs "the choice-enhancement state." In this current stage, there is no longer any agreed-on summum bonum or vision of the commonweal. There is merely the commitment to enhance every individual's freedom to choose, regardless of the results of the particular choice. These recent forms of liberalism in their own ways leave behind laissez-faire and ironically curtail liberty.

The individualistic rhetoric of abortion rights is an illustration of choice-enhancement liberalism. It is devoid of argument based on the common good or any reflection on the meaning and nature of human reproduction. And in an ironic twist, the abortion-rights ethos has shrunk the vision of many women who might otherwise choose a more demanding (and ultimately more rewarding) path.

The answer to liberalism's faults, however, is not to deny freedom. It is to affirm freedoms in balance with responsibilities. Likewise, the answer to nationalism's faults is not to deny the importance of community. It is to strike the balance between the rights of various communities (family, church, city, nation). Nor is the answer to socialism to deny the importance of shared ownership and shared responsibilities. It is to circumscribe shared ownership to the spheres where it is most appropriate (such as public utilities and the common defense), while reserving private ownership to its proper sphere.

In the wake of the twentieth century's ideological distortions, Koyzis seeks a politics beyond ideology. Ideologies are all-encompassing. Marxism and capitalism make all of life look like economics. Nationalism treats everything as a form of loyalty or disloyalty to one's tribe. Liberalism resolves every problem by maximizing individual autonomy. Koyzis wants to counter the totalizing effect of ideologies by putting limits on our political life.

The first step in setting limits is to recognize that the state is only one part of human life. We form and participate in many interwoven webs of human endeavor. I am part of a marriage, an extended family, a church, a business, a professional society, and several alumni associations (who keep telephoning at the dinner hour). In the past, I have been part of a parent-teacher organization, a racquet club, a musicians' guild, and a writers' circle. Each of these organizations—some political, some natural, some voluntary—has certain activities that are proper to its nature. And by reserving to each sphere the activity proper to it, we limit the power of the other spheres.

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June (Web-only) 2003, Vol. 47