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But it is possible for elites to behave in ways that give the illusion of benefiting others, but which ultimately benefit themselves. For example, young people who travel and volunteer are acquiring cultural capital, which translates into stronger college applications and better job prospects. A core question, then, is whether STMs build durable bridging and linking connections "for members of recipient communities." Do the recipients end up with greater social capital? Or is it primarily the short-termers who acquire social capital?

I believe this is an open empirical question, which likely has varying answers depending on the nature of the STM. I spoke with one short-termer who was 37 years old and had traveled on STM trips to 37 countries. He said his plan was to add a country a year for the rest of his life, describing himself as a "short-term junkie"—a description which itself is suggestive as to whose interests are being served. On the other hand, I've encountered teams from congregations that decided to renounce the "shotgun" approach to STM, instead adopting a stable commitment to a single congregation or ministry in Peru. In such cases, the team returns year after year, slowly building stable, enduring, and reciprocal ties.

Kurt, does your research shed light further light on the extent to which STM groups are fostering bridging and linking capital for those they serve?

All the best,

Robert

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Dear Robert,

Thanks for your stimulating note. It is fun to think about my research from a different perspective, and your note pushed me to do that. When it is done properly, STMs can build the sort of social capital you describe (and I would even add one more category), but sadly they often do not.

First, I believe STMs will usually build "bonding social capital"—the STM group members will bond with each other, something that will help them in many ways in the future. However, the development of lasting "social bridges and linkages" is much more debatable. Both North Americans and Hondurans stated that during their time together they both experienced a connection.

A Honduran STM beneficiary who named her daughter "Laura Michelle" after two of the group members told our interviewer, "The best thing was the friendship we had with the group."

Likewise, when our interviewer asked a North American participant what the most meaningful part of the STM experience was, the reply was, "I would say the relationship you built with the people there. Yeah, I was amazed at how quickly we could really love these people, and that was the most important part of the whole thing."

However, in my research in Honduras, Kenya, Thailand, and Haiti, one of the most consistent complaints is that the STM groups do not stay in touch with them after they leave. Despite the importance participants gave to the relationships they established in Honduras, since returning, 76.4 percent had not stayed in touch with the community they had visited. As one North American participant said, "While we were there, you know, you have notions of maintaining contact with them, but we never have."

So at this point I will bang on my old drum once more. For this sort of social bridges and linking to become strong and lasting, we must create structures and expectations that push the participants to see the STM experience as only one part of a larger commitment to learn more, pray more, give more, and do more for the families, church, community, and country they visited.

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July (Web-only) 2005, Vol. 49