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"That They May Have Life" mentions both disturbing developments and signs of hope. The authors are rightly disturbed by the logic of court decisions about abortion. These decisions have created a confused jurisprudence that can be used to justify the killing of "those who are too young, too small, too handicapped, too burdensome, or for whatever reason, not 'wanted.'"

"When this 'right' and the lethal logic that supports it is established in law," the statement reads, "there is no principled reason why it should not be applied to the 'unwanted' at any point along life's way, as advocates of eugenics, euthanasia, and assisted suicide logically contend."

The document also points to the way assisted suicide, euthanasia, and abortion have threatened the very soul of the healing professions. Medicine has been reduced to technique, and its fundamental healing goals have been subverted.

On the hopeful side, the document spotlights the increased interest in the defense of human rights. "Especially heartening is the involvement of Christian communities in the defense of religious, political, and civil rights around the world." The writers quickly connect rights to duties, and they state: "The right to be protected entails our duty to protect." Thus the statement avoids the typical conservative reaction that simply rejects "rights talk," but instead shows that rights are qualified and grounded.

The document also asserts that concern for human rights is based "on the conviction that all human beings are created equal with respect to God-given rights. …" This is true of the foundations of the modern human rights movement initiated by the likes of Eleanor Roosevelt and Charles Malik. Unfortunately, high-level international discussions of human rights today avoid the transcendent origin of human rights, and human rights abuses in some countries are frequently given a pass because they are grounded in indigenous cultures.

The document gives a respectful nod to evangelicals and Catholics who oppose capital punishment and killing in war. But it fails to consider these as part of the "seamless garment" of life articulated by the late Cardinal Joseph Bernardin of Chicago. That charismatic leader influenced the thinking of both Catholics and evangelicals, and it would have been helpful to acknowledge that Christian opposition to capital punishment and war is often part of a larger attempt to weave a comprehensive pro-life vision.

One further concern: At several points, the document uses strong language that may undercut its intent to promote calm dialogue. Abortion, assisted suicide, and embryonic stem cell research are called "murder." And our society's blindness to the fact that widespread abortion is a moral atrocity is blamed ultimately on the Devil. Now, it is essential to remind Christians of the spiritual warfare dimension of these life issues, especially in a political culture so permeated by scientism. But blaming the Devil can have political fallout.

Also, any willful taking of innocent life can justifiably be called murder. But political opponents will surely grasp such language and use it as a bludgeon. Furthermore, citizens who have close family members who have made difficult (though wrong) choices may find that such language is a barrier to their ability to hear this document's otherwise temperate message.

"That They May Have Life" is a protest against an unremitting polemical posture, even as it is a testament to the power of reasoned discourse. But the document finds its high point in its message of grace for the repentant sinner, emphasizing that while political and legal advances are essential, the true goal of any Christian pro-life movement must be transformed lives that embody a new culture of life.

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October 2006, Vol. 50, No. 10