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Home > 2007 > AprilChristianity Today, April, 2007  |   |  
Life, Liberty, and Terrorism
How much freedom should we give up in national emergencies?



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Terror in the Balance: Security, Liberty and the Courts
Eric A. Posner and Adrian Vermeule
Oxford University Press
328 pages, $29.95

In the aftermath of 9/11, dozens of books have argued about how to strike "the right balance between security and liberty during emergencies," as Eric Posner and Adrian Vermeule put it. But is this really a time of national emergency for the United States? Some Americans flatly reject the notion that we are at war with radical Islam. They say that the threat posed by Al Qaeda and allied jihadists has been exaggerated; such talk, they claim, provides a pretext for neoconservative hawks to pursue their foreign policy goals.



Many others, however—including, I would guess, large numbers of evangelical Christians—are persuaded that we are caught up in a war of sorts, like it or not. Most of them are willing to grant extraordinary powers to the President (whether a Republican or a Democrat), so long as the security measures in question don't touch them directly. They would recoil from the abuses of Abu Ghraib, but they accept that "coercive interrogation" must sometimes be employed, without wanting to spell out exactly where legitimate interrogation ends and torture begins.

Finally, some share a strong sense of the threat from radical Islam for the foreseeable future, but dissent from many policies underwritten by the "war on terror": extraordinary renditions, indefinite detention of enemy combatants, electronic eavesdropping without judicial oversight, and so on. They argue that such measures fundamentally undermine America's commitment to civil liberties and invest too much power in the executive branch. In some cases, they ground these objections not only in constitutional terms but also in explicitly Christian terms.

Wherever you fall on this spectrum, you are likely to profit from Terror in the Balance. Its brisk cost-benefit analysis will push a fair-minded reader to think about why he holds the views he does. These are matters about which thoughtful Americans—and Christians—can in good conscience disagree.

Note that Posner and Vermeule, law professors at the University of Chicago and Harvard, respectively, are not arguing, pro or con, "about the merits of particular security measures adopted after 9/11." Rather, they are making a general claim: "that government is better than courts at striking the correct balance between security and liberty during emergencies." And they are very good at sorting out the assumptions underlying many civil libertarian objections. One of these is the "panic thesis," which holds that because fear causes decision makers to exaggerate threats and neglect civil liberties and similar values, expanding decision makers' constitutional powers will result in bad policy."

Posner and Vermeule buttress their central claim with precedents from American history—observing, for example, that Abraham Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus was in effect only until the perceived threat had passed, contrary to today's dire warnings that civil liberties, once restricted, are irrevocably eroded.

But if, as we're being told, the conflict with radical Islam could drag on for a very long while—for a generation or more—don't such fears take on greater weight? Of one thing we can be certain. This elusive war, if war it is, will demand more from most of us than we have so far been asked to give.

John Wilson is the editor of Books & Culture.



Related Elsewhere:

Terror in the Balance is available from Amazon.com and other retailers.

More information and reviews of the book are at Oxford University Press.

Posner has also written 'A Threat That Belongs Behind Bars' for The New York Times.

'Judicial Cliches On Terrorism,' by Posner and Vermeule appeared in The Washington Post.

Christianity Today has a special section on the war on terror.





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[Reader Reviews]
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 8 comments.See all comments
Pierre   Posted: March 21, 2007 4:18 PM
The question in your subtitle was answered more than 200 years ago. They that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. - Benjamin Franklin

THE PHOENIX   Posted: March 22, 2007 12:40 PM
www.phoenixseven.org......... 22For it is written, that Abraham had two sons, the one by a bondmaid, the other by a freewoman. 23But he who was of the bondwoman was born after the flesh; but he of the freewoman was by promise. 24Which things are an allegory: for these are the two covenants; the one from the mount Sinai, which gendereth to bondage, which is Agar. 25For this Agar is mount Sinai in Arabia, and answereth to Jerusalem which now is, and is in bondage with her children. 26But Jerusalem which is above is free, which is the mother of us all. 27For it is written, Rejoice, thou barren that bearest not; break forth and cry, thou that travailest not: for the desolate hath many more children than she which hath an husband. 28Now we, brethren, as Isaac was, are the children of promise. 29But as then he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, even so it is now. 30Nevertheless what saith the scripture? Cast out the bondwoman and her son: Gal 4

charles Jackson   Posted: March 26, 2007 6:36 PM
We must be willing to give up rights in general, but have recourse to argue our case in specific. Efficient "justice" without modification or recourse is anathema, and logically rediculous. There must be provision for the limitless creativity of our God: no two snowflakes are the same. No law can withstand this creativity as no number of shoe sizes can fit all feet. A law with a good fit for most feet must be amenable to challenge in specific instances. Trying to make that law fit all feet, all loop-holes preempted, is ineffieient on the one hand and unjust on the other. Freedom is manifest in legal recourse to strong, strict laws. Let us concern ourselves with recourse, and the ability to challenge aberrations, and not the ability to cover all aberrations preemptively. Let congress deal with common sense and the general good, and the judicial system with aberrations, unusual and unforseen situations.

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