Culture

Bob Dylan: Still Blowin’ in the Wind

Christianity Today reviews Dylan’s work before the singer’s conversion to Christianity.

Christianity Today December 3, 1976

From the December 3, 1976, issue of Christianity Today:

Sixteen years ago nineteen-year-old Robert Zimmerman moved from Minnesota to New York City. He left behind his past, his family, and his name. Ahead was his new life as Bob Dylan, influential singer-songwriter. Over the years countless artists have recorded Dylan's songs, and he has toured the world. Dylan is one of the three major trendsetters in popular music, the other two being Elvis Presley and the Beatles. The press has hailed him as a prophet, a leader, a teacher, a messiah, a poet, the voice of young America, and the conscience of his generation. Dylan says he's just a songwriter.

Throughout his career Dylan has reflected his religious upbringing. Raised in a strict Jewish home, he fills his songs with religious language, biblical references and characters, and theological questions. He views man in the light of the cosmic struggle between good and evil. Man must choose to follow God and truth or fall into death, decay, and ultimate judgment.

"Gates of Eden" (1965) says the world is evil but "there are no sins inside the Gates of Eden." Dylan sees the world as "sick … hungry … tired … torn/It looks like it's a-dyin' an' it's hardly been born" ("Song to Woody," 1962); as a "concrete world full of souls" ("The Man in Me," 1970); and as a "world of steel-eyed death and men who are fighting to be free" ("Shelter From the Storm," 1974). Technologically advanced America threatens human freedom, feels Dylan, who confesses that "the man in me will hide sometimes to keep from being seen/ But that's just because he doesn't want to turn into some machine." In "It's AIright, Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)" (1965), his sermon in song line by line decries the phoniness of society's games. "Human gods" make "everything from toy guns that spark/ To flesh colored Christs that glow in the dark." "Not much is really sacred," Dylan concludes.

Early in his career Dylan wrote many finger-pointing songs about man's inhumanity to man. He sang out against racial prejudice, hatred, and war. "Blowin' in the Wind," perhaps his most famous song, asks, "How many ears must one man have/Before he can hear people cry?"

Freedom and sin are major themes in a number of Dylan's songs. "With God on Our Side" (1963) is a satirical justification of war. In "Masters of War" (1963) he lashes out at the war profiteers who make money from young men's lives. He concludes that "Even Jesus would never/Forgive what you do." This cool, calculated evil will be punished, for "All the money you made/Will never buy back your soul." Dylan retells the story of Abraham and Isaac in "Highway 61 Revisited" (1965). Abraham questions God, who replies, "You can do what you want Abe, but/The next time you see me coming you'd better run." Abraham complies, knowing that peace with God comes only through obedience to God's directives. Ten years later Dylan reiterated that in "Oh Sister": "Is not our purpose the same on this earth/ To love and follow His direction?"

Hard Rain, his most recent album, contains a live concert version of "Lay, Lady, Lay," written in 1969. Dylan adds these lyrics: "You can have the truth/But you've got to choose it." Is man ultimately responsible for sin? Is man really free? Yes, man is free to choose to obey or disobey divine directives, but he is responsible and will be judged ("I'd Hate to Be You on That Dreadful Day" and "Whatcha Gonna Do?," 1962).

Dylan reads the Bible, and his favorite parts are the parables of Jesus. The album John Wesley Harding, recorded in 1968, two years after his nearly fatal motorcycle accident, contains a song patterned after those parables. "The Ballad of Frankie Lee and Judas Priest" tells of Frankie Lee's thirst for wealth and his sensual lust, which ultimately bring his downfall and death. Frankie Lee denies that eternity exists. Dylan moralizes, "Don't go mistaking Paradise for that home across the road." So many people fail to think of anything besides their own quest for wealth; eternity means nothing to them. "Three Angels" (1970) play horns atop poles as people, oblivious, hurry by. "Does anyone hear the music they play?/ Does anyone even try?"

Dylan views man spiritually. In "Dirge" (1973) he confesses, "I felt that place within/ That hollow place/ Where martyrs weep/ And angels play with sin." In "Simple Twist of Fate" (1974) he writes of one who "Felt that emptiness inside/ To which he just could not relate." Man's spiritual cavity too often remains vacant.

Dylan has criticized the established religious institutions. "Got no religion. Tried a bunch of different religions. The churches are divided. Can't make up their minds and neither can I," he said early in his career. He hit at the attempts of churches and preachers to be relevant in "Stuck Inside of Mobile With the Memphis Blues Again" (1966):

Now the preacher looked so baffled
When 1 asked him why he dressed
With twenty pounds of headlines
Stapled to his chest
But he cursed me when I proved it to him.
Then 1 whispered. "Not even you can hide.
You see, you're just like me.
I hope you're satisfied."

Religious institutions are impotent: "The priest wore black on the seventh day/ And sat stone-faced while the building burned" ("Idiot Wind," 1974).

Dylan views God pantheistically. "I can see God in a daisy," he told an interviewer. "I can see God at night in the wind and rain. I see creation just about everywhere. The highest form of song is prayer. King David's, Solomon's, the wailing of a coyote, the rumble of the earth." In his modern-day psalm "Father of Night" (1970), Dylan praises God as the creator of night and day, heat and cold, loneliness and pain. He is the Father of all "who dwells in our hearts and our memories," the "Father of whom we most solemnly praise." Dylan's prayer for his generation and all succeeding people is outlined in "Forever Young" (1973): "May God bless and keep you always," may you "know the truth," be righteous, upright, and true and "stay forever young." For as he wrote earlier, "He not busy being born/ Is busy dying."

"Sign on the Cross" (1967), perhaps Dylan's most enigmatic song, says that the sign on Jesus' cross can never be forgotten—"And it's still that sign on the cross/ That worries me." Men cannot escape that symbol and what it means.

"Knockin' on Heaven's Door (1972) deals with death. "I Threw It All Away" (1969) points to love as the ultimate force for good in the world. "Oh Sister" tells of dying, being reborn, and being "mysteriously saved." "Shelter From the Storm" finds Dylan wearing a crown of thorns and bargaining for salvation. "Long Ago, Far Away" (1962) warns that those who promote brotherhood might end up hanging on a cross. "Isis" (1975) speaks of quick prayers that easily satisfy. Priests recite "prayers of old" as the face of God appears in the streets in "Romance in Durango" (1975). "Joey" (1975) pictures a God of retribution who will punish evil acts.

Bob Dylan pioneered the message song; he remains at its forefront. He asks metaphysical questions and tries to give some answers, which are less than Christian. But he has affected many young people and continues to do so. We need to understand what kind of spiritual guidance he gives.

This article originally appeared in the December 3, 1976, issue of Christianity Today. At the time, Daniel J. Evearitt was assistant pastor of Tappan Alliance Church in Tappan, New York. He is now professor of religion and theology at Toccoa Falls College in Toccoa Falls, Georgia.

Copyright © 2001 Christianity Today. Click for reprint information.

Related Elsewhere

Christianity Today's other articles on Bob Dylan include:

Watered-Down Love | Bob Dylan encountered Jesus in 1978, and that light has not entirely faded as he turns 60. By Steve Turner (May 24, 2001)

Bob Dylan Finds His Source | A call into the bars, into the streets, into the world, to repentance. By Noel Paul Stookey (Jan. 4, 1980)

Not Buying into the Subculture | Slow Train Coming reveals that Bob Dylan's quest for answers has been satisfied. By David Singer (Jan. 4, 1980)

Has Born-again Bob Dylan Returned to Judaism? | The singer's response to an Olympics ministry opportunity might settle the matter once for all. (Jan. 13, 1984)

An Exercise in Meaning

One who wishes to engage in current religious thought needs to understand some current religious words. In this two-part article we will give definitions of four such words, as requested by readers. They are taken from well-known theological dictionaries by permission of the publishers. “Fundamentalism” and “Neoorthodoxy” are from “The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church,” J. D. Douglas, general editor (Zondervan, 1974). “Evangelical” and “Liberalism” are from ‘Baker’s Dictionary of Theology,” Everett F. Harrison, editor-in-chief (Baker, 1960).Neoorthodoxy” and “Liberalism” will appear in the December 17 issue.

FUNDAMENTALISM. A conservative theological movement in American Protestantism, which arose to national prominence in the 1920s in opposition to “modernism.” Most interpretations of the movement try to explain it in socioeconomic or psychological terms, but the movement was rooted in genuine theological concern for apostolic and Reformation doctrine growing out of American revivalism. Further confusion has arisen from repeated reference to five basic doctrines (or “five points”) of fundamentalism, supposedly springing from the Niagara Bible Conference of 1895.

Fundamentalism should be understood primarily as an attempt to protect the essential doctrines or elements (fundamentals) of the Christian faith from the eroding effects of modern thought. Such doctrines include the Virgin Birth, the resurrection and deity of Christ, His substitutionary atonement, the Second Coming, and the authority and inerrancy of the Bible.

The roots of fundamentalism go back into the nineteenth century when evolution, biblical criticism, and the study of comparative religions began to challenge old assumptions about the authority of the biblical revelation. At the same time new ethical problems accompanied the emerging urban-industrial society in America. Men such as William H. Carwardine and Washington Gladden appealed to the Christian conscience and advocated what came to be called a “social gospel.” The so-called higher criticism (historical and literary, in contrast with textual) of the Bible entered the mainstream of American Protestantism following the Civil War. By World War I higher criticism was generally accepted in seminaries and colleges. This success came, however, only after strong resistance. Heated debates took place in scholarly journals. Baptists dismissed professors such as C. H. Toy and E. P. Gould, and Presbyterians held heresy trials of C. A. Briggs and A. C. McGiffert. By the turn of the century, major conflict … appeared certain.

A significant offensive against modernism was launched in 1910 with the publication of the first of The Fundamentals. By 1918 the term “fundamentals” had become common usage, but “fundamentalist” and “fundamentalism” were coined in 1920 by Curtis Lee Laws, Baptist editor of the Watchman-Examiner. Laws proposed that a group within the Northern Baptist Convention adopt the name “fundamentalist.” During a conference in Buffalo, New York, in 1920, Laws and his associates accepted the title. This group, popularly called “The Fundamentalist Fellowship,” were moderate conservatives, who believed that the modernists were surrendering the “fundamentals” of the Gospel, namely, the sinful nature of man, his inability to be saved apart from God’s grace, the indispensability of Jesus’ death for the regeneration of the individual and the renewal of society, and the authoritative revelation of the Bible. This group, the first to apply the name “fundamentalist” to itself, was identified neither with dispensationalism nor with a crusade against evolutionary teaching. They asserted repeatedly that they were concerned only about the preservation of the central affirmations of the Christian faith.…

A more militantly conservative voice [was] raised in 1923 with the formation of the Baptist Bible Union. Composed of Baptists from the South and Canada, as well as the North, the union broadened the fundamentalist cause to include the struggle against evolutionary teaching.

Among Presbyterians, the conservative position was championed by J. G. Machen of Princeton Theological Seminary. When he refused to break his ties with the Independent Board of Presbyterian Foreign Missions, he was tried and found guilty of rebellion against superiors. Thus evolved the Orthodox Presbyterian and Bible Presbyterian churches.

Gradually “fundamentalism” came to be used loosely for all theological conservatism, including militants, moderates of the Laws type, and a scholarly type represented by Machen. Due to the tactics of certain leaders, the fundamentalist image eventually became stereotyped as close-minded, belligerent, and separatistic.

In the 1950s a growing number of conservatives attempted to set aside the fundamentalist label. Harold John Ockenga was one of the first to propose “new evangelical” as an alternative. He called for a conservative Christianity which held to the central beliefs of the Christian faith, but which was also intellectually respectable, socially concerned, and cooperative in spirit. Since the late fifties this perspective has deepened and broadened. Carl F. H. Henry, Edward John Carnell, the periodical CHRISTIANITY TODAY, the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association, and other individuals and groups have been identified with the new evangelicalism, which considers itself the heir of the spirit and purpose of the original fundamentalists.

EVANGELICAL. The evangelical Christian faith is the “good news” or the “glad tidings” that God has provided redemption for man. It affirms that salvation from sin is obtained through the grace of God, not that it is earned by good works or given because of merit on the part of man. It sets forth the basic Christian doctrines, such as: the Trinity, the deity of Christ, the personality of the Holy Spirit, the plenary inspiration of the Scriptures, miracles, the substitutionary or vicarious suffering and death of Christ as an atonement for the sins of his people, his resurrection from the grave, his ascension into heaven, his personal and glorious coming again, the resurrection and judgment of all men, heaven and hell.

The most important issue between evangelicals and others is that of biblical authority. The evangelical insists that Scripture is the word of God written, and that it is therefore infallible in its original autographs. When this tenet is granted the other doctrines of the evangelical faith follow as a matter of course.

Two special uses of the word evangelical should be noted. In patristic literature the Gospel records are sometimes referred to as “the evangelical instrument,” or “the evangelical voice.” In our own time, in Europe, the word may be used as the equivalent of Protestant, or still more narrowly, as meaning Lutheran.

Election Results: The Ninety-Fifth Congress: A Religious Census

Every two yearsCHRISTIANITY TODAYreports the religious aspects of the national elections and publishes a census showing the religious lineup of the new Congress. The following story updates extensive election and campaign coverage in the November 19 and preceding issues. This year’s census (right) was compiled by news assistant Brigid Spillane.

A born-again Southern Baptist deacon and Sunday-school teacher may have won the White House in the recent national election, but a record number of Catholics will be holding forth in Congress next term, according to CHRISTIANITY TODAY’S findings. Catholic representation increased by six for a total of 129 in the Ninety-Fifth Congress, the most in the nation’s history.

Overall, there were no sharp shifts in congressional religious-affiliation listings. Presbyterians continue to take it on the chin, having lost six seats (they lost twelve in 1974). This gives them a total of sixty in the new Congress. The downward trend applies also to other main-line denominational groups. The United Methodists and the United Church of Christ are each down by three, the Episcopalians by two, the Baptists by one. The Lutherans and the Churches of Christ each gained two, however. (Because of the difficulties involved in trying to pinpoint the exact Baptist, Presbyterian, and Lutheran denominations cited in affiliations, these groups have been listed generically in the census.)

In other changes, the Jewish have increased by three, the Reformed Church in America by two, the Latter-Day Saints by one, and the “Christian” or “Protestant” category by four.

Another clergyman was elected to Congress: Republican John Danforth, an ordained Episcopalian who defeated Democrat incumbent Stuart Symington, a fellow Episcopalian, in a Missouri Senate race. He joins ordained congressional incumbents who were reelected: Catholic priests Robert F. Drinan of Massachusetts and Robert J. Cornell of Wisconsin, Robert W. Edgar of Pennsylvania (United Methodist), Andrew Young of Georgia (United Church of Christ), John Buchanan of Alabama (Southern Baptist), and delegate Walter Fauntroy of Washington, D.C. (Progressive National Baptist). All but Buchanan are Democrats.

In each category, the Senators are listed first in bold face, then House members. Asterisk (*) denotes apparent winner.

Baptist (55)

Byrd (D-W.Va.)

Ford (D-Ky.)

Hatfield (R-Oreg.)

Helms (R-N.C.)

Johnston, Jr. (D-La.)

McClellan (D-Ark.)

Morgan (D-N.C.)

Talmadge (D-Ga.)

Thurmond (R-S.C.)

Andrews (D-N.C.)

Ashbrook (R-Ohio)

Barnard (D-Ga.)

Bevill (D-Ala.)

Bowen (D-Miss.)

Brinkley (D-Ga.)

Broyhill (R-N.C.)

Buchanan, Jr. (R-Ala.)

Burlison (D-Mo.)

Carr (D-Mich.)

Carter (R-Ky.)

Cochran (R-Miss.)

Collins (D-Ill.)

Collins (R-Tex.)

Conyers, Jr. (D-Mich.)

Daniel (D-Va.)

Diggs, Jr. (D-Mich.)

Fauntroy (D-D.C.)

Ford (D-Tenn.)

Gammage (D-Tex.)

Ginn (D-Ga.)

Gore, Jr. (D-Tenn.)

Grassley (R-Iowa)

Hefner (D-N.C.)

Hightower (D-Tex.)

Hubbard, Jr. (D-Ky.)

Ichord (D-Mo.)

Jenkins (D-Ga.)

Jones (D-N.C.)

Jordan (D-Tex.)

Long (D-La.)

Lott (R-Miss.)

Mann (D-S.C.)

Mathis (D-Ga.)

Mattox (D-Tex.)

Mollohan (D-W.Va.)

Natcher (D-Ky.)

Nix (D-Pa.)

Pepper (D-Fla.)

Perkins (D-Ky.)

Risenhoover (D-Okla.)

Runnels (D-N.Mex.)

Shipley (D-Ill.)

Teague (D-Tex.)

Wilson (R-Calif.)

Whitley (D-N.C.)

Presbyterian (60)

Anderson (D-Minn.)

Baker, Jr. (R-Tenn.)

Bellmon (R-Okla.)

Bentsen (D-Tex.)

Case (R-N.J.)

Chiles (D-Fla.)

Church (D-Idaho)

Culver (D-Iowa)

Curtis (R-Nebr.)

Glenn (D-Ohio)

Jackson (D-Wash.)

Pearson (R-Kans.)

Stennis (D-Miss.)

Williams, Jr. (D-N.J.)

Applegate (D-Ohio)

Breckenridge (D-Ky.)

Broomfield (R-Mich.)

Brown (R-Ohio)

Brown (R-Mich.)

Cornwell (D-Ind.)

Duncan (R-Tenn.)

Eckhardt (D-Tex.)

Edwards (R-Ala.)

Evans (D-Colo.)

Fountain (D-N.C.)

Fuqua (D-Fla.)

Gibbons (D-Fla.)

Hammerschmidt (R-Ark.)

Harsha (R-Ohio)

Hillis (R-Ind.)

Holt (R-Md.)

Horton (R-N.Y.)

Johnson (D-Calif.)

Johnson (R-Colo.)

Jones (D-Tenn.)

Kelly (R-Fla.)

Kemp (R-N.Y.)

Kindness (R-Ohio)

Long (D-Md.)

Martin (R-N.C.)

McCloskey, Jr. (R-Calif.)

McEwen (R-N.Y.)

Meyner (D-N.J.)

Moorhead (R-Calif.)

Preyer (D-N.C.)

Pritchard (R-Wash.)

Rahall, II (D-W.Va.)

Rose (D-N.C.)

Schulze (R-Pa.)

Seiberling (D-Ohio)

Slack (D-W.Va.)

Stratton (D-N.Y.)

Thone (R-Nebr.)

Ullman (D-Oreg.)

Vander Jagt (R-Mich.)

Walker (R-Pa.)

Wampler (R-Va.)

Watkins (D-Okla.)

Whitten (D-Miss.)

Wright (D-Tex.)

Christian Church (Disciples) (5)

Bafalis (R-Fla.)

Bennett (D-Fla.)

Evans (D-Ga.)

Skelton (D-Mo.)

Winn, Jr. (R-Kans.)

United Methodist (80)

Bayh (D-Ind.)

Bumpers (D-Ark.)

Clark (D-Iowa)

Dole (R-Kans.)

Eastland (D-Miss.)

Huddleston (D-Ky.)

Inouye (D-Hawaii)

Long (D-La.)

Lugar (R-Ind.)

McClure (R-Idaho)

McGovern (D-S.Dak.)

Metcalf (D-Mont.)

Nelson (D-Wis.)

Nunn (D-Ga.)

Riegle, Jr. (D-Mich.)

Sasser (D-Tenn.)

Schmitt (R-N.Mex.)

Scott (R-Va.)

Sparkman (D-Ala.)

Tower (R-Tex.)

Abdnor (R-S.Dak.)

Allen (D-Tenn.)

Ammerman (D-Pa.)

Beard (R-Tenn.)

Bedell (D-Iowa)

Brademas (D-Ind.)

Brooks (D-Tex.)

Brown, Jr. (D-Calif.)

Chappell, Jr. (D-Fla.)

Chisholm (D-N.Y.)

Conable, Jr. (R-N.Y.)

Corman (D-Calif.)

Crane (R-Ill.)

Davis (D-S.C.)

Devine (R-Ohio)

Dickinson (R-Ala.)

Duncan (D-Oreg.)

Edgar (D-Pa.)

English (D-Okla.)

Fithian (D-Ind.)

Flynt, Jr. (D-Ga.)

Goodling (R-Pa.)

Gudger (D-N.C.)

Hamilton (D-Ind.)

Hawkins (D-Calif.)

Holland (D.-S.C.)

Huckaby (D-La.)

Jenrette, Jr. (D-S.C.)

Keys (D-Kans.)

Lent (R-N.Y.)

Mahon (D-Tex.)

McDonald (D-Ga.)

Miller (R-Ohio)

Mineta (D-Calif.)

Mitchell (R-N.Y.)

Nichols (D-Ala.)

Pickle (D-Tex.)

Quillen (R-Tenn.)

Rhodes (R-Ariz.)

Roberts (D-Tex.)

Rogers (D-Fla.)

Sebelius (R-Kans.)

Sharp (D-Ind.)

Sikes (D-Fla.)

Skubitz (R-Kans.)

Smith (D-lowa)

Smith (R-Nebr.)

Staggers (D-W.Va.)

Steed (D-Okla.)

Steers, Jr. (R-Md.)

Stockman (R-Mich.)

Stokes (D-Ohio)

Taylor (R-Mo.)

Treen (R-La.)

Waggoner, Jr. (D-La.)

Whitehurst (R-Va.)

Wiggins (R-Calif.)

Wilson (D-Tex.)

Wylie (R-Ohio)

Young (R-Fla.)

Jewish (27)

Javits (R-N.Y.)

Metzenbaum (D-Ohio)

Ribicoff (D-Conn.)

Stone (D-Fla.)

Zorinsky (D-Neb.)

Beilenson (D-Calif.)

Eilberg (D-Pa.)

Gilman (R-N.Y.)

Glickman (D-Kans.)

Gradison, Jr. (R-Ohio)

Holtzman (D-N.Y.)

Koch (D-N.Y.)

Krebs (D-Calif.)

Lehman (D-Fla.)

Levitas (D-Ga.)

Marks (R-Pa.)

Mikva (D-Ill.)*

Ottinger (D-N.Y.)

Richmond (D-N.Y.)

Rosenthal (D-N.Y.)

Scheuer (D-N.Y.)

Solarz (D-N.Y.)

Spellman (D-Md.)

Waxman (D-Calif.)

Weiss (D-N.Y.)

Wolff (D-N.Y.)

Yates (D-Ill.)

Lutheran (16)

Hollings (D-S.C.)

Magnuson (D-Wash.)

Armstrong (R-Colo.)

Badham (R-Calif.)

Bergland (D-Minn.)

Clausen (R-Calif.)

Dicks (D-Wash.)

Ertel (D-Pa.)

Frey, Jr. (R-Fla.)

Haggedorn (R-Minn.)

Marlenee (R-Mont.)

Milford (D-Tex.)

Quie (R-Minn.)

Simon (D-Ill.)

Snyder (R-Ky.)

Spence (R-S.C.)

Episcopal (64)

Brooke (R-Mass.)

Byrd, Jr. (I-Va.)

Chaffe (R-R.I.)

Danforth (R-Mo.)

Goldwater (R-Ariz.)

Hansen (R-Wyo.)

Haskell (D-Colo.)

Hathaway (D-Maine)

Heinz III (R-Pa.)

Mathias, Jr. (R-Md.)

Matsunaga (D-Hawaii)

Pell (D-R.I.)

Proxmire (D-Wis.)

Roth, Jr. (R-Del.)

Stevens (R-Alaska)

Wallop (R-Wyo.)

Weicker, Jr. (R-Conn.)

Adams (D-Wash.)

Alexander (D-Ark.)

Anderson (D-Calif.)

Andrews (R-N.Dak.)

Ashley (D-Ohio)

Aspin (D-Wis.)

Bolling (D-Mo.)

Butler (R-Va.)

Byron (D-Md.)

Coughlin (R-Pa.)

Daniel, Jr. (R-Va.)

Derrick (D-S.C.)

Edwards (R-Okla.)

Evans, Jr. (R-Del.)

Fish, Jr. (R-N.Y.)

Flowers (D-Ala.)

Goldwater, Jr. (R-Calif.)

Hughes (D-N.J.)

Ireland (D-Fla.)

Kasten, Jr. (R-Wis.)

Ketchum (R-Calif.)

Kostmayer (D-Pa.)

Leach (R-Iowa)

Lloyd (D-Calif.)

McFall (D-Calif.)

McKinney (R-Conn.)

Mitchell (D-Md.)

Meeds (D-Wash.)*

Montgomery (D-Miss.)

Moore (R-La.)

Moorhead (D-Pa.)

Myers (R-Ind.)

Myers (R-Pa.)

Neal (D-N.C.)

Pattison (D-N.Y.)

Regula (R-Ohio)

Reuss (D-Wis.)

Satterfield, III (D-Va.)

Sawyer (R-Mich.)

Steiger (R-Wis.)

Traxler (D-Mich.)

Trible, Jr. (R-Va.)

Van Deerlin (D-Calif.)

White (D-Tex.)

Wirth (D-Colo.)

Wydler (R-N.Y.)

Young (R-Alaska)

United Church Of Christ (22) (Includes Congregational)

Burdick (D-N.Dak.)

Griffin (R-Mich.)

Humphrey (D-Minn.)

Stafford (R-Vt.)

Akaka (D-Hawaii)

Baucus (D-Mont.)

Bingham (D-N.Y.)

Downey (D-N.Y.)

Emery (R-Maine)

Findley (R-Ill.)

Ford (D-Mich.)

Fraser (D-Minn.)

Jeffords (R-Vt.)

Lloyd (D-Tenn.)

Patterson (D-Calif.)

Pike (D-N.Y.)

Railsback (R-Ill.)

Schroeder (D-Colo.)

Shuster (R-Pa.)

Thornton (D-Ark.)

Wilson (D-Calif.)

Young (D-Ga.)

Eastern Orthodox (4)

Abourezk (D-S.Dak.)

Sarbanes (D-Md.)

Tsongas (D-Mass.)

Yatron (D-Pa.)

Governors

Roman Catholic

Apodaca (D-N.Mex.)

Brown, Jr. (D-Calif.)

Byrne (D-N.J.)

Carey (D-N.Y.)

Castro (D-Ariz.)

Edwards (D-La.)

Garrahy (D-R.I.)

Grasso (D-Conn.)

Judge (D-Mont.)

Kneip (D-S.Dak.)

Longley (I-Maine)

Lucey (D-Wis.)

O’Callaghan

(D-Nev.)

Perpich (D-Minn.)

Teasdale (D-Mo.)

Methodist

Blanton (D-Tenn.)

Boren (D-Okla.)

Edwards (R-S.C.)

Hammond (R-Alaska)

Wallace (D-Ala.)

United Church of Christ

Ariyoshi (D-Hawaii)

Godwin, Jr. (R-Va.)

Milliken (R-Mich.)

Episcopal

Briscoe (D-Tex.)

du Pont, IV (R-Del.)

Exon (D-Nebr.)

Herschler (D-Wyo.)

Eastern Orthodox

Dukakis (D-Mass.)

Presbyterian

Askew (D-Fla.)

Bennett (R-Kans.)

Carroll (D-Ky.)

Hunt, Jr. (D-N.C.)

Pryor (D-Ark.)

Rhodes (R-Ohio)

Thompson (R-Ill.)

Jewish

Mandel (D-Md.)

Shapp (D-Pa.)

Lutheran

Andrus (D-Idaho)

Bowen (R-Ind.)

Link (D-N.Dak.)

Baptist

Busbee (D-Ga.)

Finch (D-Miss.)

Ray (D-Wash.)

Rockefeller, IV (D-W.Va.)

Thomson, Jr. (R-N.H.)

Christian Church (Disciples)

Ray (R-Iowa)

Latter-Day Saints

Matheson (D-Utah)

Unitarian-Universalist

Lamm (D-Colo.)

Snelling (R-Vt.)

Unaffiliated

Straub (D-Oreg.)

Roman Catholic (129)

Bartlett (R-Okla.)

Biden, Jr. (D-Del.)

DeConcini (D-Ariz.)

Domenici (R-N.Mex.)

Durkin (D-N.H.)

Eagleton (D-Mo.)

Kennedy (D-Mass.)

Laxalt (R-Nev.)

Leahy (D-Vt.)

McIntyre (D-N.H.)

MeIcher (D-Mont.)

Moynihan (D-N.Y.)

Muskie (D-Maine)

Addabbo (D-N.Y.)

Ambro (D-N.Y.)

Annunzio (D-Ill.)

Archer (R-Tex.)

Baldus (D-Wis.)

Bauman (R-Md.)

Beard (D-R.I.)

Biaggi (D-N.Y.)

Blouin (D-Iowa)

Boggs (D-La.)

Boland (D-Mass.)

Bonior (D-Mich.)

Breaux (D-La.)

Brodhead (D-Mich.)

Burke (R-Fla.)

Burke (D-Mass.)

Carney (D-Ohio)

Cavanaugh (D-Nebr.)

Clay (D-Mo.)

Conte (R-Mass.)

Corcoran (R-Ill.)

Cornell (D-Wis.)

Cotter (D-Conn.)

D’Amours (D-N.H.)

Dent (D-Pa.)

de la Garza (D-Tex.)

Delaney (D-N.Y.)

Derwinski (R-Ill.)

Dingell (D-Mich.)

Doad (D-Conn.)

Dornan (R-Calif.)

Drinan (D-Mass.)

Early (D-Mass.)

Erlenborn (R-Ill.)

Evans (D-Ind.)

Fary (D-Ill.)

Flood (D-Pa.)

Florio (D-N.J.)

Foley (D-Wash.)

Gaydos (D-Pa.)

Giaimo (D-Conn.)

Gonzalez (D-Tex.)

Hanley (D-N.Y.)

Harkin (D-Iowa)

Harrington (D-Mass.)

Harris, II (D-Va.)

Heckler (R-Mass.)

Hollenbeck (R-N.J.)

Howard (D-N.J.)

Hyde (R-Ill.)

Jacobs, Jr. (D-Ind.)

Jones (D-Okla.)

Kazen, Jr. (D-Tex.)

Kildee (D-Mich.)

LaFalce (D-N.Y.)

Lagomarsino (R-Calif.)

Lederer (D-Pa.)

LeFante (D-N.J.)

Leggett (D-Calif.)

Lujan, Jr. (R-N.Mex.)

Luken (D-Ohio)

Madigan (R-Ill.)

Markey (D-Mass.)

Mazzoli (D-Ky.)

McDade (R-Pa.)

McHugh (D-N.Y.)

Metcalfe (D-Ill.)

Mikulski (D-Md.)

Miller (D-Calif.)

Minish (D-N.J.)

Moakley (D-Mass.)

Moffett (D-Conn.)

Mottl (D-Ohio)

Murphy (D-Pa.)

Murphy (D-N.Y.)

Murphy (D-Ill.)

Murtha (D-Pa.)

Myers (D-Pa.)

Nedzi (D-Mich.)

Nolan (D-Minn.)

Nowak (D-N.Y.)

Oakar (D-Ohio)

Oberstar (D-Minn.)

Obey (D-Wis.)

O’Brien (R-Ill.)

O’Neill, Jr. (D-Mass.)

Panetta (D-Calif.)

Patten (D-N.J.)

Pressler (R-S.Dak.)

Price (D-Ill.)

Rangel (D-N.Y.)

Rinaldo (R-N.J.)

Rodino, Jr. (D-N.J.)

Roe (D-N.J.)

Rooney (D-Pa.)

Rostenkowski (D-Ill.)

Roybal (D-Calif.)

Rudd (R-Ariz.)

Ruppe (R-Mich.)

Russo (D-Ill.)

Ryan (D-Calif.)

Santini (D-Nev.)

Sarasin (R-Conn.)

Stanton (R-Ohio)

St. Germain (D-R.I.)

Thompson, Jr. (D-N.J.)

Tonry (D-La.)

Vanik (D-Ohio)

Vento (D-Minn.)

Volkmer (D-Mo.)

Walgren (D-Pa.)

Walsh (R-N.Y.)

Whalen, Jr. (R-Ohio)

Young (D-Mo.)

Young (D-Tex.)

Zablocki (D-Wis.)

Unitarian-Universalist (11)

Gravel (D-Alaska)

Packwood (R-Oree.)

Stevenson, III (D-Ill.)

Blanchard (D-Mich.)

Burton (D-Calif.)

Burton (D-Calif.)

Cohen (R-Maine)

Edwards (D-Calif.)

Fisher (D-Va.)

Poage (D-Tex.)

Stark (D-Calif.)

Churches Of Christ (6)

Allen (D-Ala.)

Burleson (D-Tex.)

Flippo (D-Ala.)

Hall, Jr. (D-Tex.)

Latta (R-Ohio)

Sisk (D-Calif.)

Latter-Day Saints (11)

Cannon (D-Nev.)

Garn (R-Utah)

Hatch (R-Utah)

Young (R-N.Dak.)

Burgener (R-Calif.)

Clawson (R-Calif.)

Hansen (R-Idaho)

Heftel (D-Hawaii)

Marriott (R-Utah)

McKay (D-Utah)

Udall (D-Ariz.)

Unaffiliated (5)

Hayakawa (R-Calif.)

Frenzel (R-Minn.)

Kastenmeier (D-Wis.)

McCormack (D-Wash.)

Zeferetti (D-N.Y.)

Christian Science (3)

Percy (R-Ill.)

McClory (R-Ill.)

Rousselot (R-Calif.)

Others

Apostolic Christian

Michel (R-Ill.)

Assyrian Catholic Church of the East

Benjamin, Jr. (D-Ind.)

Bible Church

Quayle (R-Ind.)

Christian Methodist Episcopal

Burke (D-Calif.)

Churches of God in North America

Guyer (R-Ohio)

Evangelical Free

Anderson (R-Ill.)

Cederbere (R-Mich.)

Free Methoaist

Symms (R-Idaho)

Reformed Church in America

Caputo (R-N.Y.)

Maguire (D-N.J.)

Reorganized Church of Latter-Day Saints

Tucker (D-Ark.)

Schwenkfelder Schweiker (R-Pa.)

Seventh-Day Adventist

Pettis (R-Calif.)

Stump (D-Ariz.)

Seventh-Day Baptist

Randolph (D-W.Va.)

Society of Friends

Forsythe (R-N.J.)

Robinson (R-Va.)

‘Christian’ Or ‘Protestant’ (21) (No Specific Denomination)

Cranston (D-Calif.)

Hart (D-Colo.)

AuCoin (D-Oreg.)

Badillo (D-N.Y.)

Bonker (D-Wash.)

Cleveland (R-N.H.)

Coleman (R-Mo.)

Danielson (D-Calif.)

Dellums (D-Calif.)

Fascell (D-Fla.)

Fenwick (R-N.J.)

Gephardt (D-Mo.)

Hannaford (D-Calif.)

Krueger (D-Tex.)

Lundine (D-N.Y.)

Moss (D-Calif.)

Pease (D-Ohio)

Pursell (R-Mich.)*

Roncalio (D-Wyo.)

Studds (D-Mass.)

Weaver (D-Oreg.)

Richard G. Lugar, the Republican who defeated Democrat incumbent Vance Hartke in the Indiana contest for the U.S. Senate, lists himself as a United Methodist lay minister. Hartke belongs to the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod.

There was a lot of talk this year about organized campaigns to get avowed Christians elected to public office. CHRISTIANITY TODAY found no single nationally coordinated organization carrying out this aim. There were, however, local and regional pockets of such activities involving evangelical groups. The most prominent of the groups was perhaps California Christians Active Politically (CCAP, pronounced “see-cap”).

CCAP, an offshoot of another group known as Creative Ministries (with which it shared staff and telephones in Walnut Creek, California), was headed by Pat Matrisciana, a former staffer with Campus Crusade for Christ and the Berkeley-based Christian World Liberation Front of the Jesus-movement era. Its stated purpose was to help get Christians elected to office. It provided support to ten of sixteen candidates it listed as “qualified Christians” in California running for state and national offices. Four of the ten were elected to state office. CCAP’s support included fund-raising drives, rallies, campaign consultation, and direct-mail advertising, according to Matrisciana. Other former Campus Crusade staffers joined him in the effort.

Candidates backed by CCAP had to meet the qualifications of elders in the third chapter of First Timothy, and their political opinions had to be based on the teachings of the Bible, said Matrisciana. Most of those backed were Republicans, but party affiliation did not matter as long as the candidates met biblical qualifications, the CCAP people insisted.

Singer-entertainer Pat Boone headed the CCAP executive committee. Other members included: San Diego pastor Tim LaHaye, Full Gospel promoter George Otis, prophecy author Hal Lindsey, Frank White of Knott’s Berry Farm, state assemblyman Bob Burke (he lost his election race), Bill Voit of the Voit Rubber Company, publisher Bob Hawkins of Harvest House, and broadcaster-author Margaret Hardesty.

Shortly before the election the American Jewish Committee (AMJ), expressing displeasure at religion-oriented campaign activities, released a list of twenty-one apparently born-again congressional candidates being promoted by evangelical groups. Only two won: Republican Robert Badham, a Lutheran in predominantly Republican Orange County, California, who defeated Judith Hall, a Jew, and Eldon D. Rudd of Phoenix, a Catholic and retired FBI agent who squeaked by his Democrat opponent by only 700 votes to take the seat vacated by John Conlan, an evangelical defeated in the primaries in his bid for the Senate.

Rabbi Marc Tanenbaum of the AMJ suggested that the AMJ’s publicity had a role in the defeat of most of those listed. He told Los Angeles Times religion reporter Russell Chandler that he felt “the notion of creating a ‘Christian Congress’ has not died, though in this election it has suffered a substantial setback.”

Interviewed by Chandler, some of the winners and losers in congressional races said that the “Christian issue” had been a factor though not a decisive one.

In a New York congressional race, Presbyterian minister William Harter failed to unseat Democrat Matthew McHugh, a Catholic. Other losers included two former baseball stars known for their evangelical witness, both Republicans: Wilmer Mizell (Christian and Missionary Alliance), who failed to regain the North Carolina congressional seat he lost in 1974, and Bobby Richardson (“independent evangelical”), who lost in South Carolina.

Benjamin Bubar was also among the losers. The superintendent of the Maine Christian Civic League ran for the presidency on the Prohibition party ticket, managing to garner 25,000 votes in nine states. “Church leaders let us down,” lamented a party leader.

In Minnesota, Catholic Richard Nolan was reelected to Congress despite attacks by challenger James Anderson linking him to Transcendental Meditation. Anderson accused Nolan of attempting to “convert fellow congressmen to the guru’s strange practices” and of supporting the teaching of atheism.

In a shift that will send Minnesota governor Wendell Anderson, a United Presbyterian, to the Senate to replace Vice President-elect Walter Mondale (also a United Presbyterian), Lieutenant Governor Rudy Perpich will move up to become the state’s first Catholic governor.

A number of issues that were up for vote were followed closely by church groups:

• California voters defeated a proposal to permit greyhound racing, and they rejected by a 5 to 3 margin Proposition 14, a measure designed to facilitate union organizing of farm workers (both sides spent more than $1.5 million on the campaign; many church social-action units backed the proposition).

• A proposal to legalize slot machines was turned down in Delaware.

• Casino gambling in Atlantic City was approved by New Jersey voters despite widespread but underfinanced (less than $20,000) church opposition (see editorial, page 36). As a result, some church groups around the nation are threatening to cancel meetings scheduled to be held in the city.

• State lotteries were endorsed in Colorado and Vermont, and Las Vegas Nights using gambling devices were okayed for charities in New York City.

• Measures to restrict the use of throwaway bottles and cans, fought by the beer and liquor interests among others, were adopted in Michigan and Maine but defeated in Colorado and Massachusetts.

• Sunday-closing laws were repealed in Maryland counties adjacent to Washington, D.C., and in Massachusetts, where voters agreed to allow absentee voting by persons whose religious convictions conflict with election dates.

• Massachusetts voters also passed an Equal Rights Amendment but soundly rejected a gun-control proposal.

• Parochaid-type proposals that would qualify students in independent colleges and universities for state aid lost in Nebraska and Alaska.

The Faithful: How They Voted

Veteran election-statistics analyst Albert J. Menendez, a journalist in Washington, D.C., made a study of the results of the recent presidential election. In it he attempted to track the religion factor in voting patterns. The following information is excerpted from the report he filed.

America’s normally Republican evangelical-conservative Protestant (ECP) voters apparently gave Jimmy Carter at least 40 per cent of their votes in his narrow victory over President Ford. In fifty key counties with significiant ECP population, Carter won an impressive 49.4 per cent of the vote, a dramatic increase of 20 per cent over McGovern in 1972. Of the estimated 16 million ECP votes cast nationwide, Carter won at least 6.4 million and Ford 9.6 million, surveys indicate. Ford’s 3.2 million majority was not enough to overcome the Catholic, Jewish, other Protestant, and unaffiliated majority for Carter. This swing to Carter, in addition to his 92 per cent landslide among black voters, was a major part of his success.

The importance of the ECP vote can be demonstrated in a comparison between 1976 and 1968. In 1968, Nixon had an estimated 7.2 million votes more over Humphrey among theologically conservative Christians, which narrowly overcame the 6.7 million lead for Humphrey among Catholics, Jews, and “others.” This year, Carter got only a five-million edge over Ford among these non-ECP voters, but by cutting Ford’s lead to 3.2 million among the conservative Christians he squeezed out a victory. This reversal in the ECP vote was the decisive factor in Carter’s Missouri, Ohio, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Pennsylvania victories. In Missouri, for example, which was fairly close in 1960, 1968, and this year, Carter won 55 per cent in areas classified as evangelical or conservative Christian strongholds, compared to Kennedy’s 38 per cent. This more than offset the small decline in Catholic precincts.

A poll at Wheaton College among students and faculty found Ford favored about 67 to 30 per cent. However, since only 10 per cent of the students identified themselves as Democrats (versus 50 per cent Republicans and 40 per cent Independents), Carter’s showing is seen as respectable.

The Carter victory was substantially due to the swing of Protestant voters in general, not just evangelical ones; they gave him at least a seven-point higher percentage of their vote than is the norm for a Democratic presidential candidate. However, Carter dropped up to 6 per cent among Catholics and between 5 and 10 per cent among Jews. National surveys varied, and a careful precinct-and-county analysis is not infallible, but it appears that 68 to 75 per cent of Jews, 55 to 57 per cent of Catholics, and 46 per cent of Protestants voted for Carter.

Carter did well in counties not recognizably evangelical or denominationally homogeneous. In upstate New York, for example, far away from any southern migratory patterns that may have intermingled with religion to give Carter a solid showing in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Indiana, he ran far better than Kennedy in thirteen predominantly Protestant counties. He made remarkable 14 per cent gains over Kennedy in five Protestant rural counties in Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire, and he bested Kennedy by 15 per cent among Iowa Protestants.

Individual Protestant groups also gave Carter a favorable showing. His fellow Baptists gave him a clear majority, the first time since Truman in 1948 that they had given a Democrat a victory. This pattern was especially true throughout the southern and border states. He even carried two rock-ribbed Republican Baptist mountain counties in Alabama and Georgia that remained loyal to Alfred Landon, and he piled up record votes in east Tennessee, carrying several longtime Republican areas.

Carter won an impressive 52 per cent victory in heavily Lutheran counties throughout the midwest, surpassing by far McGovern, Humphrey (in Minnesota, even), Kennedy, and Stevenson. To a great extent, the Lutheran farm vote was essential to the Carter upset victory in Wisconsin.

Methodists broke even, demonstrating again their middle-of-the-road status.

The decline in the Catholic vote for the Democrat nominee was due in part to religious factors, including the abortion issue and Carter’s forthrightness in speaking about his faith. He did better than Humphrey and McGovern in some Catholic areas, worse in others (suburban St. Louis County, 31 per cent Catholic, went for Ford by 50,000 votes although it had gone for Kennedy by 9,000).

On the Republican side, President Ford’s major showings among religious groups came from Mormons in Utah, Idaho, and Nevada, from Dutch Reformed voters in Michigan and Iowa (a landslide 74 per cent), and from Seventh-day Adventists. There is no national data for Episcopalians and Presbyterians, but their affluence, high-education and suburban-residential patterns, and historic Republican preference probably resulted in a 3 to 2 or 2 to 1 edge for Ford.

It was evident that late in the campaign some shifting took place in the so-called evangelical bloc that was so solidly behind Carter only a few months earlier. This can be attributed in part to the controversial Playboy interview of Carter and last-ditch White House efforts to let evangelicals know that President Ford, too, was born again—and one of them.

The modest religious realignments in the 1976 election will fascinate political analysts for years to come, but their significance should not be overrated. After all, the American voter is unpredictable, and every eight years since 1952, the party in power has been ousted. It may be that a successful Carter presidency will bring more Protestant voters back to the Democratic party, but any long-range predictions must be held in abeyance.

A Change of Mind in Plains

All week the clouds kept darkening. To the watching world it was a test of both Jimmy Carter and the largest U.S. denomination. To the church of 415 southern white members it was a crisis greater than any since the Civil War, when only two male members were left for leadership. The members were divided over their pastor and his open-door stand on integrating, but their emotions were also intertwined in a deep-rooted past.

Some members felt put-upon by the demanding press and by pressures to integrate because Plains Baptist is “Jimmy Carter’s church.” “We don’t feel like swapping a church for a President,” one deacon told the Atlanta Constitution.

Member Jerome Ethredge and his wife Joanne, soon to leave for agricultural missionary work among blacks in Togo, Africa, had “about given up hope.” County extension agent Tim Lawson, the only deacon opposed to asking Pastor Bruce Edwards to resign, also felt strongly that “the church doors ought to be open to anyone who really wants to worship.”

Meanwhile, President-elect Jimmy Carter was working behind the scenes for a compromise that would keep the church together but break the racial barrier.

Hundreds of letters and calls poured in pledging prayer. Every day during the final week personnel from Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) offices called to say that they were praying. Then, Saturday afternoon, thirty newly appointed SBC missionaries pushed their way through a crowd of reporters on the parsonage lawn to hold a prayer meeting inside.

Sunday dawned cold, dreary, and rainy. The Secret Service roped off the smooth churchyard to control the gathering crowd (tourists had been carrying away the stones). Members and a few visitors were allowed into Sunday school (attendance: 216), along with a small press pool of six.

Deacon Clarence Dodson taught forty-one men in a bare-bulbed, cement-floored, unpainted basement room. The President-elect sat in the front row. Children upstairs could be heard singing, “God Is Love.”

Appropriately the lesson was entitled “The Reconciled Life,” with the text Romans 12:21: “Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good.” The lesson was “very timely,” noted Dodson. “We have the opportunity to show the world the attitude which God’s children should have.”

When the bell sounded, the church was cleared of all non-members except Carter’s Secret Service escorts, one of whom was black. Robert LaFavre, the Baptist Press representative, was allowed to sit in the pastor’s study because he had recently broken his leg.

Outside, about 400 tourists (mostly white, southern Carter fans), reporters and cameramen, and assorted “characters” huddled under umbrellas to await the outcome. There were occasional bursts of songs dear to the South: “The Battle Hymn of the Republic,” “Dixie,” and “Give Me That Old-time Religion.”

It was a friendly crowd with few arguments. One man said, “This proves there is no God.” Another countered, “All it proves is the devil.”

Commented Mozell Sutton, one of five representatives present from the Justice Department’s Community Relations’ Service and himself a black Georgia Baptist from Atlanta: “We’ve come a long way in race relations, but we’ve still got a way to go.”

With nothing better to do, reporters interviewed the “characters.”

A black “Prophet Elijah,” clutching a Scofield Bible and wearing a “JESUS IS LORD” button, announced his coming was “a sign of the last days.”

Imperial Ku Klux Klan wizard Bill Wilkinson, a Baptist from Louisiana, and two other robed Klansmen vowed the Klan was “going to take the offensive to recover the ground we’ve lost.”

Nearby a woman proclaimed herself the Messiah. Out front was parked “Noah’s Ark,” an aging green school bus with a plywood second-story, piloted by a fundamental missionary named “Brother Joseph.”

“It’s like a little Scopes trial,” columnist Lester Kinsolving chortled.vv

Clennon King, the man who started it all, kept claiming he was only “trying to help Jimmy Carter.” A Baptist motel-owner from Virginia, Wilson Chaplain, who said he, his wife, and eight children had all voted for Carter, suggested King start by withdrawing his request for church membership. King finally said he would if he could talk to the President-elect. But when Chaplain got Carter’s press secretary, Jody Powell, King reneged.

At this time a black woman began lecturing the whites around King: “Why do we keep hearing about Reverend King being wrong? Whites should open their churches to all people.”

After almost three hours a smiling Jimmy Carter came out a side door to say he was “completely satisfied” with the votes. “I was proud of my church, God’s church. We voted to keep our pastor, and more important to open the doors of our church to any person to worship. I think now our church will be unified.”

His wife Rosalynn stood beside him, holding her Sunday-school quarterly and green Living Bible. She looked as if she had been crying.

Carter denied trying to cast influence. “I was just one of the church members. They all know that.”

Then Carter’s deacon cousin, Hugh Carter, the church clerk, came to the main door and reported vote counts of the various motions. “We made a momentous decision today,” he said. “We are tremendously pleased.”

From interviews with the clerk and other members, this is what happened in the closed three-hour meeting:

The first motion, introduced by Hugh Carter, was not to consider the deacons’ recommendation that the pastor resign. With Edwards’s strongest support coming from the Carters and the young adults, the motion failed 100 to 96.

The second motion, calling for the church to fire the pastor immediately, failed 107 to 84. About forty of those voting to dump Edwards were inactive members, observers estimated (a number hadn’t been seen in church in years).

The third motion was to set up a “watch-care committee” composed of the pastor and four deacons to “test the sincerity of all persons applying for membership and make recommendations to the church.” This passed unanimously. It was “understood” that race would never be a factor in any case.

The fourth motion, by Jerome Ethredge, was to “open the church to all persons, regardless of race” (in effect nullifying the 1965 rules). Ethredge asked the church to consider the impact on missions. This passed 121 to 66.

Box Score

Plains, Georgia: population, 683. Five churches: white Baptist (Southern Baptist Convention), black Baptist, white United Methodist, black United Methodist, white Lutheran (Lutheran Church in America).

Plains Baptist Church: Organized in 1848 as Lebanon Baptist Church of Christ. Black members left voluntarily during Reconstruction, taking the name “Lebanon” with them. Whites moved into town and changed name to Plains Baptist Church.

Southern Baptist Convention: 34,902 churches with 12.7 million members. Hundreds of churches have black members, and 374 all-black churches have affiliated in recent years, mostly in California, Texas, Illinois, Michigan, New York, and Virginia, with two in Georgia. Walker Knight, editor of the SBC Home Missions magazine, notes a 76 per cent increase in black-church affiliation since 1973. He expects the influx to increase, pointing to a group of forty black churches in Los Angeles, for example, that are interested in signing up.

There were many speeches pro and con but no emotional outbursts. Several deacons, including Hugh Carter, admitted having acted “hastily” in asking the pastor to resign, and sought his forgiveness. Mrs. Hugh Carter called for “everybody who is perfect to please rise and be counted.” No one stood up.

There were other “reconciliations,” along with much hugging, kissing, and crying among members, prompting Mrs. Hugh Carter to tell the pastor, “We’re ready for a revival.”

Jimmy Carter, eight of the twelve deacons, and about one hundred other members returned in the evening to hear Edwards call for “love and support of the deacons” and preach from Isaiah 40:31.

“We’ve soared like eagles,” Edwards said. “We’ve ordained a minister and are sending missionaries to the foreign fields, and we’re sending one of our members to the highest office in the land. Now times are more difficult. We may not be flying, we’re certainly not running, but we’re still on our feet by the mercy of God.”

Among non-members present was a black tourist, Roger Sessoms, 29, of Selma, North Carolina, who termed the evening service “a beautiful thing.” President-elect Carter shook the black’s hand and said, “I’m glad you came.”

“I’m so excited,” the teacher of the young adult women’s class said afterward. “Instead of having to go out as missionaries, we’re having people come to us. I hope we measure up.”

What caused the change in attitudes? “The Holy Spirit, definitely,” declared Sandra Edwards, the pastor’s wife, with others nodding around her. “Thousands prayed and God answered.”

And the future for the pastor and his wife? “If we can have a vital ministry here, we’ll stay,” Edwards declared. “The people feel a sense of mission.” He had said earlier he would resign regardless of the outcome of the vote. He, like others at Plains, had meanwhile had a change of mind.

Countdown To Crisis At Plains

1870s: Free black Baptists voluntarily leave white churches in South to form their own.

1950s: Supreme Court school integration order meets intense opposition in South. Many white Baptist pastors lose pulpits for speaking out on race.

Early 1960s: Church “kneel-ins” sweep across South. First Baptist Church, Atlanta, refuses in April, 1963, to seat a group of blacks, but seven months later hopes to seat “all who come to attend our services.” By 1965, most big-city white churches in Georgia have followed suite; most small-town, rural Baptist churches remain closed to blacks.

1965: Plains Baptist Church, organized in 1848, votes 54 to 7 to bar “Negroes and other civil rights agitators” from services. Deacon Jimmy Carter, then a state Senator, and five members of his family, along with farmer Homer Harris, are the only dissenters. “This is not my house or your house,” Carter says. “I will never vote to kick anyone out.”

July, 1976: Jimmy Carter wins Democratic nomination for Presidency, putting Plains Baptist Church in world spotlight.

Sunday, October 24: Plains pastor Bruce Edwards is reported as preaching church should be opened to all people.

Monday, October 25: Rev. Clennon King, non-denominational black minister, newspaper columnist, political gadfly, and known agitator from Albany, forty miles away, delivers letter to parsonage, saying he will seek church membership.

Tuesday, October 26: Deacons meet secretly and vote to call off next Sunday’s service.

Sunday, October 31: Edwards tells King on church steps that services are cancelled. He explains to media that deacons are enforcing the church’s 1965 resolution, which he opposes. Edwards thinks King is “politically inspired,” but favors allowing him to be received into church membership if “sincere.” That night deacons meet and vote 11 to 1 to ask for Edwards’ “immediate resignation” on grounds his ministry is no longer effective. Carter hears of the incident after attending integrated University Baptist Church in Fort Worth. His “deep belief is that anyone who lives in our community, regardless of race, ought to be admitted.”

Monday, November 1: Republican “black desk” telegrams 400 black ministers, questioning whether Carter can lead the country if he cannot lead his own church.

Tuesday, November 2: Carter wins the presidency.

Wednesday, November 3: At tense, emotional midweek prayer meeting of the church, Edwards says he refuses to resign and asks for congregational vote on November 14. It is understood that if the church votes to retain him, a motion to institute an open-door policy will be introduced.

Sunday, November 7: Carter and Edwards are both away. Carter says that he “can’t resign from the human race because of discrimination and that he can’t quit his church for the same reason. Worship services are held at Plains with a retired Methodist minister preaching, but King is denied admission (he was allowed to attend Sunday School, though).

November 8–13: Carter and Edwards are both back in Plains. Hundreds of letters and calls arrive, most supporting the pastor and an open-door policy. Southern Baptist leaders will not “tell” an autonomous church what to do, but SBC president James L. Sullivan is “greatly disappointed to think any Southern Baptist church would refuse membership” on racial grounds. Between conferences on staff and cabinet appointments, President-elect Carter talks privately with deacons and other members, trying to keep the church from breaking apart. The other side is mustering support, too.

Sunday, November 14: Decision day. With worldwide news coverage, today’s service is probably the most publicized church meeting in history.

“Brother Bruce” From (Plains)

On the Sunday between the deacons’ request for his ouster and the congregation’s vote to retain him, Pastor Bruce Edwards of Plains Baptist Church preached for a pastor friend in Tennessee. With a racial issue simmering in his own church, the nervous friend sidestepped identifying his “celebrity” guest and introduced him as follows:

“Folks, this is Brother Bruce, a good friend of mine. Brother Bruce is from Jacksonville, Florida. Brother Bruce went to New Orleans Seminary, the same school I attended, and we all know that the best theologians come from that school. After the special music Brother Bruce will come and preach for us.”

Edwards laughs as he recalls the introduction. He also chuckles about a recent assignment in his Doctor of Ministries program: review a book entitled Crisis in the Pulpit, and about the placement of the story of the Plains controversy in the Georgia Baptist newspaper—next to a column reporting recent moves of church staff members.

It all helped to break the tension, says Edwards, during a week “of real crisis in my life.”

Thirty and married to his sweetheart (Sandra, 28) from Baptist Student Union days at Norman Baptist College in Georgia, Edwards is a scholarly, mild-mannered man who became the pastor at Plains when he graduated from seminary in January, 1975. He served pastorates in Americus, Georgia, and Mt. Hermon, Louisiana, before and during seminary.

African Assembly: Blessing in Bias?

Planners of the Pan African Christian Leadership Assembly (PACLA) would never have asked for it, but they have received help from an unlikely source. That help for PACLA, which is to be held in Nairobi December 9–20, is a slap in the face from the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC). From its Nairobi headquarters, the AACC’s executive committee issued a statement officially dissociating itself from PACLA.

Earlier, Burgess Carr, AACC general secretary, sent a three-page memo to “member churches and Christian councils and friends of the AACC” to warn them against participating in PACLA. He charged in the August document that he and his staff “found a rather clear bias [in PACLA planning] in favor of the so-called ‘evangelical’ orientation.” He also said that he had not been invited and that he feared the influence of evangelical “organizations outside of Africa” which were supporting PACLA.

Carr, a former member of the World Council of Churches’ staff, has been at the center of controversy within the evangelical community over whether evangelicals should support PACLA. Early drafts of the program listed him as a program participant, and circulation of these drafts caused some leaders of the Association of Evangelicals of Africa and Madagascar (AEAM) to raise questions. After a flurry of correspondence involving Christian leaders on at least four continents Carr’s name disappeared from the program, and the AEAM office (also in Nairobi) put out a brief statement indicating that most questions had been resolved.

Whether the slap from the AACC helps the December assembly with the AEAM constituency remains to be seen, but there were hints in Kenya that Carr had hurt himself in his own constituency by striking out at PACLA. Kenyan Christian leaders, especially Presbyterian general secretary John Gatu, have tried to minimize the conflict between “ecumenical” and “evangelical” forces. Gatu has been a friend of PACLA planners and has encouraged them in their work, but he is also chairman of the AACC. Late drafts of the PACLA program list him as speaker for one of the work groups.

PACLA is an outgrowth of the 1974 International Congress on World Evangelization in Lausanne, but it is not a product of the Lausanne continuation committee. The chairman of the ad hoc planning committee for PACLA, however, is Gottfried Osei-Mensah of Ghana, the Nairobi-based executive secretary of the Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization. The program chairman is South African Michael Cassidy. John Wilson, a Ugandan on the staff of Cassidy’s African Enterprise mission, is coordinator. Most of those identified with them in the assembly’s planning do not have strong identification with either the AEAM or the AACC.

With over 700 delegates expected at the Kenyatta Conference Center, PACLA sponsors hope to stimulate the development of strategies for evangelizing the entire continent. In selection of the delegates youth has been emphasized, and some 70 per cent are expected to be between twenty and forty. While quotas for many nations had been oversubscribed by early last month, there were still some conspicuous vacant spots on the roster, principally in the French-speaking nations where AEAM-oriented leaders have been cool toward the assembly.

Wilson hopes that by opening day one-third of the anticipated cost of $500,000 will have been raised in Africa, but less than half of the goal had been met by November. Meanwhile, he made extensive contacts in Europe and North America to raise the rest of the budget.

The fact that a large portion of the financing has come from outside Africa has been one of Carr’s main arguments against PACLA. But just after signing the letter transmitting the AACC executive committee’s slap at PACLA Carr left for the United States, where he picked up the $100,000 needed to finish the first phase of his headquarters building program. The money came from the United Methodist Church’s World Division. Earlier, he had received $325,000 from American sources for the building to house his staff of eighty-nine. While about a third of the construction money raised thus far has come from within Africa, the proportion of African revenue for AACC operations is not so high. Carr told reporters in Nairobi during the World Council of Churches meeting a year ago that 80 per cent of operating funds come from overseas.

If nothing else is achieved, PACLA is expected to attract Christian leaders from more African countries (forty-three at last count) than either the AACC or the AEAM can count in its official delegations. PACLA planners have repeatedly assured leaders of both the permanent organizations, however, that PACLA is to be considered a one-time event and no follow-up body is envisioned.

The Separatists: No to ‘Neo’

Are “fundamentalist” and “evangelical” both descriptions of the same kind of Christian? Resolutions passed at the thirty-fifth annual convention of the American Council of Christian Churches (ACCC) indicate the terms’ acceptability in that body so long as neither carries the “neo” prefix. Usefulness of the words also depends on who is using them.

The convention, meeting at the Bible Baptist Church of West Chester, Pennsylvania, went into some detail to say that “evangelical” was a good word when properly used. Delegates, representing several small separatist denominations, warned that the label cannot be applied to those who have “failed to obey the Scriptures in their refusal to separate from apostate fellowships and denominations.” One resolution also warned of “neo-evangelicalism, such as represented in the National Association of Evangelicals.”

Taking an oblique slap at its principal founder, New Jersey pastor-broadcaster, Carl McIntire, the ACCC made a point of being thankful for last June’s World Congress of Fundamentalists in Scotland. McIntire, president of the International Council of Christian Churches, which was not involved in the congress, had criticized it as “neo-fundamentalist.” The ACCC delegates commended those “whose vision, burden, promotion, and support” made possible the June congress. McIntire had been criticized at the meeting in Scotland (see issue of August 6, 1976, page 41) for trying to “discredit a movement he cannot dominate.” (He lost control of the ACCC in 1970 and turned down an invitation to the June congress.)

Without mentioning McIntire’s role in the early years, the delegates said in one of their resolutions that the ACCC was “organized in 1941 to provide a fellowship and united testimony for fundamental churches and denominations which are determined to be true to the verbally inspired inerrant Word of God regardless of the cost.” The document invited “fundamentalists” in the United States “to join us in strengthening the testimony of biblical separation in these last days.”

In other action the council:

• Thanked L. Eugene Mohr, who is returning to the pastorate, for his service as executive secretary for the past three years. His successor at the Valley Forge headquarters is Robert Biscoe, business administrator at the Biblical School of Theology, Hatfield, Pennsylvania.

• Called for establishment of more Christian schools and commended the American Association of Christian Schools “for its rapid growth and its influence for good on our nation’s youth.”

• Expressed “strong indignation” at “the thrust of Sunday School materials produced by the denominations of the National Council of Churches.”

New for NAACP

Benjamin L. Hooks, 51, a black Baptist clergyman, lawyer, and former judge appointed in 1972 to the Federal Communications Commission, will succeed 75-year-old Roy Wilkins next month as executive director of the financially troubled National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

Book Briefs: December 3, 1976

What Is Evangelization?

Mission Trends No. 2, edited by Gerald H. Anderson and Thomas F. Stransky (Paulist or Eerdmans, 1975, 279 pp., $2.95 pb), is reviewed by Charles E. Hummel, director of faculty ministries, Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship.

Evangelization is the keynote of this volume on contemporary mission trends. The first in the series featured the nature and goals of the Christian mission, while the next will deal with Third World theologies.

The volume is remarkable for its breadth of view and depth of perception. The authors of the twenty-two essays run the spectrum from evangelical Protestant and Pentecostal to Roman Catholic. Equally varied are the racial and cultural perspectives, from American and European to African, Latin American, and Asian. Most of the essays first appeared as addresses, magazine articles, or reports, rather than as theological treatises, and they are very readable. Their length ranges from one to twenty-five pages.

Amid this diversity runs a strong current of urgent concern to understand how the Gospel can be effectively proclaimed in every continent and culture. This collection of essays is not a puzzle whose pieces can be neatly fitted together to form a blueprint for action. It is more a gem with many facets, each reflecting an aspect of evangelization or its impact in a specific situation.

The writers do not focus on techniques but go to the heart of the theological and ethical issues in mission strategy. The first section, seven essays under the umbrella “Mandate and Meaning of Evangelization,” deals with evangelism, conversion, and church membership. John Stott sets the stage with a clear exposition of the biblical basis of evangelism. He shows that the Church’s mission is broader than evangelism; “mission” describes its total service, everything the Lord sent the Church into the world to do as the salt of the earth and the light of the world. Social and economic concerns are a part of this mission. A vital dimension of it is evangelism, spreading the Good News of Jesus Christ.

Paul Löffler’s exposition of conversion, the human response to evangelism, draws on Old and New Testament teaching. He affirms that this personal reorientation toward God has corporate as well as individual consequences: “There is absolutely no gap between turning to God and its realization in the personal and social spheres.”

Ecuadorian René Padilla takes American “culture-Christianity” to task for preaching man’s reconciliation with God while denying man’s reconciliation with man in certain areas of alienation. This “truncated Gospel” provides the basis for “religious clubs with a message that has no relevance to practical life in the social, the economic and the political spheres.” Padilla makes it clear that every culture tends to tame and shape the biblical message for its own comfort. But he focuses on the American version because its influence in world missions is so great. This hard-hitting essay tests the extent to which we are willing to hear such criticism and take corrective action.

The second section of nine essays is headed “Priorities and Strategies.” Especially stimulating are perspectives from India and South Africa. Samuel Rayan relates evangelism and development in the sense of liberation and humanization. “How does faith in the Crucified link up with social action, political conflict and economic development?” He shows the urgency of this question for the Church in India, where for centuries colonial missions were content “to tailor the Gospel to suit the economic and political interests of their sponsors.”

Manus Buthelezi writes from his experience of the black agony in South Africa. He believes that now is the time for the black to evangelize and humanize the white and to “discover a theological framework within which he can understand the will and love of God in Jesus Christ outside the limitations of white institutions.”

Ralph Winter’s article on crosscultural evangelism defines three kinds of evangelism in terms of cultural distance and difficulty. E-1 evangelism involves witness to a non-Christian within one’s own culture. E-2 reaches out to someone nearby with a different social status or dialect or tribal membership that constitutes a cultural barrier. E-3 evangelism involves a radically different culture with its own language and customs. E-2 and E-3 are “crosscultural” and therefore more difficult than E-1. Winter notes that four out of five non-Christians in the world today are beyond the reach of any E-1 evangelism.

The strategy for evangelism calls for special E-2 and E-3 efforts to cross cultural barriers and establish strong evangelizing churches and groups that then carry on effective evangelism at the E-1 level. This model is also valuable for evangelistic efforts in our own home communities, as we try to evangelize special groups out of our E-1 sphere. Winter’s is the most practical chapter, in itself well worth the price of the book.

A short third section deals with pluralism in the Church and the world. Emmett Carter considers problems of unity and diversity. A study document defines and relates concepts of Christian witness, common witness, religious freedom, and proselytism.

A final section of three essays gives new perspectives on other faiths and ideologies. Of special interest in view of recent developments in China is Donald MacInnis’s “A New Humanity in People’s China.” He describes the profound changes that have transformed the psychocultural identity of the Chinese people. While God is doubtless at work in the lives of individuals, “Christianity incognito will fail to reach others for conversion to Christ.… An identifiable community, the Church as the body of Christ, is needed within society at large.”

As valuable primary source material the appendix gives excerpts from documents produced by such gatherings as the WCC’s “Salvation Today” conference in Bangkok and the Lausanne Congress on World Evangelization.

The editors did well in their selection of writings for this volume. And the introduction they provide for each essay whets the reader’s appetite for the stimulating pages to follow.

What’s Coming?

Images of the Future: The Twenty-first Century and Beyond, edited by Robert Bundy (Prometheus, 1976, 239 pp., $12.95), Religion 2101 A.D., by Hiley H. Ward (Doubleday, 1975, 247 pp., $7.95), and Understanding Tomorrow, by Lyle E. Schaller (Abingdon, 1976, 144 pp., $3.95 pb), are reviewed by Carl Townsend, director, Center for the Study of the Future, Portland, Oregon.

Each of us lives in the past, the present, and the future. Our past molds and shapes us, giving us a personal history. Our rituals and liturgies are a link to the past and what has gone before us. We also live in the present, sensing and experiencing the very reality of life. The future, however, gives us hope and vision. Our dreams and destiny lie in the future.

In earlier decades there was little fear or concern about the future. Change was slow and fairly predictable. It was easy to adapt to the changing world as one grew. This is no longer true. In the last few years we have experienced an increasing rebellion against any kind of authority; an increasingly sensate and pluralistic society; a growing suspicion of institutions; a depletion of many natural resources; the “liberation” of blacks, women, youth, and homosexuals; rapidly growing unemployment and (for some) increasing leisure; and the growing influence of the computer and other forms of technology in our life. During the last year, for example, our church in Portland has changed geographic location, changed facilities, changed its organizational structure, and changed its accounting procedure to enable better tracking of a budget that has doubled in size. We have also experienced a considerably change in the membership of the church.

This “Big Revolution,” as Schaller calls it in Understanding Tomorrow, is occurring at an ever increasing rate. “The person who can grasp the nature and direction of the Big Revolution will have an enormous advantage over those who do not comprehend this concept in both understanding and in responding to the changes that are a part of the second half of the twentieth century.”

For this reason the dreams and images we hold of the future are very important. The futurist does not predict the future; he creates images and visions of various alternative futures. From these we chose, creatively participating in making the future we desire come to pass. God’s Holy Spirit, working through us, becomes the actualizing force.

Polak, writing the opening essay in Images of the Future, says we must consciously work toward creating the future we desire or else the great decisions of the future (e.g., genetic manipulation, resource management, behavior modification) will be made by someone else. If we refuse to take responsibility for the future, others will make the future—both theirs and ours. “It is not a choice between having or not having any images of the future, but between good images—worth living and dying for—and bad images, which we cannot accept without betraying ourselves.”

The remaining six parts in this volume build on the thesis developed in the first part and take as subjects the futures movement and images of the possible, images of world trends and problems, images of human progress, non-male and non-white images of social reconstruction, religious imagination and the future, and images of education and learning.

The editor, Robert Bundy, writes in his own essay that most of us are now excluded from decisions about the future. The decisions are largely made by others and sold to us by way of Madison Avenue. Although as a society we are rich in information, in most areas of our lives we experience a poverty of information because we have shifted the decisions to the specialists. This leads to a narrow perspective and a poverty of imagination in forecasting and planning. There is a real need for “people centers” in our communities (both social and religious communities) to channel information and give a wider base for decision-making.

Lester Brown and Roy Fairchild, building on this, write that education is now recognized as the primary vehicle for social change. Few problems are as challenging as that of devising an educational system adequate for our needs in the late twentieth century. Education becomes the key in informing people of the need for change and motivating the acceptance of new ideas. Learning modes will soon consist more of networks than of buildings. With terminals and microcomputers in our homes, information will be mapped to each person profiled to his or her own needs. Televised courses and newspaper courses will grow a hundredfold, and information networks to provide legal, medical, and other professional help will be expanded. (At our Center for the Study of the Future, we are already using a microcomputer to match information to requests.)

A dozen new theologies carry us from our present age to the future. In the section on religious imaging, Elise Boulding groups these into four models: the existential, the radical Christian-secularist, the signals-of-transcendence model, and the sacration model. The author gives examples of each, adding that the “work of the Christian is to extend the concept of Koinonia into the secular world, helping to build new types of communities to cut across ethnic, national, class, and other boundaries.” We witness from community, yet this community is very difficult to achieve today because we have no common myths or stories.

One difficulty with this book is in assimilating the wide variety of views expressed by writers of many nationalities and religious persuasions. The cohesion is difficult, but Bundy does an excellent job of bringing them together. An epilogue weaves a fabric of ideas from this group of notable writers.

I recommend this book to the serious student as well as to those pastors and religious leaders involved in the process of change. In many churches change is happening fast. Our worship services need to help us more in bridging the past to the future. Our myths, liturgies, and symbols give us a link to the past. We also need a sense of calling, of our mission in the future. The whole congregation needs to be involved in this imaging process. In this sense the worship experience can become a “rite of passage,” carrying us into the future with a minimum of shock.

Hiley Ward’s Religion 2101 A.D., in contrast, is written in a style that is easy to read and digest. Ward, a religion writer for the Detroit Free Press, interviewed hundreds of notables in the futures field. His opening two chapters give a panorama of what can be expected in the future: high-strength structural materials, super-duty fabrics, seven-foot television screens, telepathic sermons, behavior control, special pills for special groups of people, increased I.Q., improved healing methods from mind control, people who look the way they want with no defects and with lifetime immunization from diseases, cloning, cyborgs (people with artificial parts), and genetic manipulation. Many of these technological developments are already a reality.

At the same time, says Ward, there are new religious experiments that are just as intriguing. Biersdorf, speaking at the 1973 “Insearch: The Future of Religion in America” conference, said in his keynote speech that here and there persons and communities are already creating new patterns for the future. “They are modeling the future now, so that surveys of 1980 will record their effectiveness in changing the shape of organized religion.” These groups can be effective in creating change, even though some of them may go out of existence or continue as minority forces.

Biersdorf put together a list of two hundred groups, of which fifty-six reported in detail to the Insearch conference. These included Pentecostals, house churches, communal groups, liturgical experiments, work communes, special agencies, meditative communities, and experimental congregations. In summary, Biersdorf noted that the groups had a common denominator in that whatever their intentional goals, they were preoccupied with the realization of an intimate community. In an earlier Insearch conference, Andrew Greeley said he believes the critical question is whether organized religion is ready to accept the authentic working of the Spirit in these underground communities. We are moving away from denominational polarities. The new polarity, says Bruce Larson, is the person versus the impersonal.

From this catalogue of contemporary experiments, Ward takes us on a space-age trip to the cities of tomorrow with their super-computer gods that automate the confession (this will free the priest for more critical theological activities).

Where is the institutional church in this? The cultural crisis of our age is leading to a new affirmation of the spiritual. The saints of tomorrow will be different and could be unheralded until we can change with them. The tide has come and gone, but we find ourselves on a different shore. Schillebeeckx believes the paths around the institution will determine the shape of the church of the future. Karl Rahner believes that a general church is not possible, and that the church will be characterized by a diversity of groups. The effective spiritual tension will continue to exist with a definite change in religious language by 1990 and 2000. Elmer Towns thinks most of the main Protestant denominations face a dim future. They lack identity and a dynamic theology. Martin Marty agrees with Towns in part, adding that most denominations are remote, impersonal, and bureaucratic. The religious giants have all departed.

Worship in the future will be more of the experimental, with new rituals and liturgy. There will be new uses of music and dance. There will be new emphasis on worship in the home.

Ward includes an appendix of 134 groups that are dealing with the future (including UFO groups and those of the military-industrial establishment). Some of the addresses are dated, but the list is a good starting point for correspondence with leading futurists.

Schaller’s Understanding Tomorrow is primarily a collection of statistics and information showing current social trends and their relation to the church and the religious dimension. The primary difficulty is that Schaller’s projections are based on trend analysis, which is inadequate in itself as a method for grappling with the future.

An example of this is his third chapter, which forms the thesis of his book. Here he says that we are in a rapid revolution, moving from a survival-oriented culture to an identity-oriented society. We find more meaning and recognition as persons than as performers of a task.

I agree with Schaller that our society has, indeed, moved to an identity crisis, but this is no guarantee that we will continue to move in this direction. In fact, many futurists and economists believe we are on the threshold of moving back rapidly to a survival-oriented society, and they foresee an impending economic collapse. Trend projections, in this sense, become inaccurate, and can be dangerous, lulling us to a false sense of security. We need to envision more about where the Holy Spirit is calling us, and then work backward from the future, using trend projections only to show us how to actualize our calling.

Schaller is excellent, however, in his advice to churches that find themselves caught up in change. His writings are based on many years of consulting with churches, and here he has much to offer. His final chapter suggests that we can no longer work with simple answers. In our complex world the intuitive response is generally counter-productive. The person or community who can envision or image where it wants to go and how the vision can be brought to reality has an enormous advantage over the person or community that is without a clear sense of identity in the midst of today’s change.

Many of the trends and changes Schaller mentions are particularly important for the near future of the church. In addition, anyone who uses imaging methods (and Schaller does at times) needs to be aware of trends.

All three books have a deficiency that continues to concern me as I read the writings of most futurists. Few seem to give us much insight into the work of the Holy Spirit in the community of the future. The Holy Spirit, acting in history, is both the illuminator (giving us the vision and image) and the enabler (giving us the power to actualize the vision). Until we become more aware of this power, we can expect little redemptive change.

Briefly Noted

Two meritorious books of photographs of church buildings, suitable for Christmas giving, nicely complement each other. Holy Places of Christendom by Stewart Perowne (Oxford, 160 pp., $12.95) covers the whole of church history and focuses on the stately. There are some non-church scenes. Pioneer Churches, photographs by John deVisser, text by Harold Kalman (Norton, 192 pp., $27.50), is restricted to North America, with a different sort of stateliness. Probably most of the buildings are wooden, and the range of denominations represented is broad.

Everyone who has the four-volume Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible (published 1962) needs to acquire the Supplementary Volume edited by Keith Crim (Abingdon, 1,046 pp., $17.95). Preparing supplements every decade or so is an excellent idea that other reference-work publishers should consider. Of the more than 650 entries, 140 are completely new.

An expensive combination of “how to write” information (any help in this area is better than none) with data on presidents, states, countries, religions, art, and the like that are generally available in annual almanacs makes up the Quick Reference Encyclopedia (Nelson, 880 pp., $24.95).

The Catholic Encyclopedia by Robert Broderick (Nelson, 612 pp., $24.95) is a very curious offering. It comes from an evangelically controlled publisher, but there is no entry for “Evangelicalism” (nor for “Fundamentalism,” though there is one for “Jesus Movement”). There is an entry for “Franciscans” (the author studied at St. Francis Seminary) but none for “Dominicans” or “Trappists.” We are told that “current negotiations are under way for the Evangelical United Brethren to be merged with … the Methodist Church.” That merger was completed in 1968! No reference work is perfect, but …

Collegians In The Sixties

Radicals in the University, by Edward E. Ericson, Jr. (Hoover Institution Press, 1975, 281 pp., $11), is reviewed by William H. Young, professor of education, Barrington College, Barrington, Rhode Island.

This book offers a persuasive analysis of the rise and fall of the youth movement on college and university campuses in the 1960s. It traces the development of the ideology of the New Left movement from early pronouncements by the Students for Democratic Action to futile efforts to keep the radical impulse alive in the early 1970s. This study provides an intriguing insight into how this movement succeeded in capturing the imagination of so many university students and young faculty for a brief period in the last decade and why its revolutionary ideals so quickly lost their impact.

Ericson is a dean at Northwestern College, a Christian liberal arts college in Iowa. His central thesis is that contradictions inherent from the beginning in the goals of the New Left remained unresolved throughout the sixties and eventually led to its dissolution. He argues that the movement failed because its dual goals of personal and political liberation were defined in terms that produced unresolvable internal conflicts. Among the early radical leaders, a fervent desire for personal fulfillment and freedom inspired a quest for radical alternatives to existing social and political structures. Commitment to political revolution to achieve liberation for oneself and others eventually led to rigid Marxist forms of expression. Ultimately, however, radical politics proved an insufficient vehicle for integrating the hopes for personal and social freedom among young radicals. Disillusionment, bitter in-fighting, and factionalism were the inevitable outcome.

A case study of radicals in the fields of language and literature shows the two-headed character of this movement. Young teachers committed to its ideals could not reconcile their professional concerns and their political commitments. Teaching and writing about language and literature often seemed irrelevant and even inconsistent with their political radicalism. Their chief professional task involved the study and transmission of the great literary tradition of Western civilization, but their political theory led them to question this tradition and the place of the humanities in the university. In the end, these radicals chose politics over professionalism.

In a concluding essay Ericson carries his thesis one step further by viewing the radical movement as a quasi-religious phenomenon. The radicals frequently used religious metaphors to describe their experiences and motives. They sought to provide a unifying core of beliefs to govern all of life, and their quest for personal and social salvation had deep moral and spiritual dimensions. This study even shows that the radical movement took on characteristic features of sectarian religion, including heresy-hunting, proof-texting, and appeals to infallible authority. But revolutionary politics failed as a substitute religion for the same reason it failed as a movement for liberation: it could not satisfy the spiritual needs of the young radicals themselves.

The book, therefore, is of particular interest to evangelicals. They will find in it testimony to the inability of a quasi-religious political movement to satisfy the moral and spiritual impulses that originally brought it into being. The further this radicalism moved toward political activism and rigid ideology, the more alienated became its young adult adherents, whose idealism had profound spiritual roots. Ericson’s study helps the reader understand what shaped the radical movement and why its growth and demise cannot be understood in purely secular terms.

New Periodicals

The New Review of Books and Religion began in September as the successor to Review of Books and Religion and Seabury’s New Book Review. Librarians, professors, and others who are interested in serious (but not overly technical) religious books will want to see it regularly. The editor-in-chief is Iris Cully, who teaches at Lexington Seminary. Monthly, $10/year (815 Second Ave., New York. N.Y. 10017).

Theological Education Today is a quarterly replacement for Programming. First issue was in April. The scope is worldwide, and the name was changed to broaden the subject matter to include all educational methods. (It is not a news sheet.) Sponsor is the World Evangelical Fellowship, to which checks should be made; $3 airmail, $1.50 surface (address: J. E. Langlois, Les Emrais, Castel, Guernsey, U.K.).

The Making of Many Books

Commenting on Ecclesiastes’ curtain speech about “pleasing words” and “words of truth,” G. S. Hedry says: “In the ancient world authorship was held of small account, so small indeed that the names of many authors of antiquity have been lost. The question men asked of a book was not ‘Who wrote it?’ but ‘What does it say?,’ and there was no need for an author to make a profession of modesty, since his work was not regarded as a personal achievement or a feat of virtuosity” (The New Bible Commentary Revised, D. Guthrie and J. A. Motyer, eds., 1970, p. 578). While that observation says less than some of us would say about the biblical writers, it nonetheless holds a powerful message for many of the rest of us.

For all that, I shall risk a few reminiscences and venture some comments on evangelical literary production.

Some thirty years ago, the only book this converted journalist had written was A Doorway to Heaven, a readable work on the Pacific Garden Mission now long out of print after some eleven editions. An evangelical publisher telephoned me from his Hawaii vacation spot to offer a $10,000 advance royalty if I would write a newspaperish biography of Jesus. The invitation rather stunned me. Who was I, I mused, to write a life of Jesus? Besides, the thought of thus turning Christian realities into a profit bothered me. My negative decision at that time helped to reinforce a growing determination to devote my writing energies to solid advancement of the cause of biblical truth.

When I wrote Remaking the Modern Mind I soon learned that many believers who have a lively evangelistic interest in Christianity do not at the same time have serious intellectual propensities. Even a fellow college alumnus wrote the alumni office that he had read Remaking twice but still couldn’t figure out what I was saying. By contrast, when in New Delhi I was covering the World Council of Churches assembly, a Christian leader sought me out for a word of personal thanks. “In my university studies my Christian faith was under heavy pressure,” he said, “and I want to thank you for the book that held me steady.”

In recent days a publisher has issued the first two of my four volumes on God, Revelation and Authority, themes of essential and even of supreme importance in theology today. If, God helping me, I complete the total effort by 1980, I will consider the four volumes to be my final contribution to the evangelical witness, unless I subsequently yield to pressures to write also a candid autobiography entitled Confessions of a Nonconformist.

Few readers, least of all those not at home in serious reflective thought, sense the toll in time and energy that serious writing takes—the long hours, the impact on family life, the self-restricted social opportunities, the pre-empted weekends and vacations, the ceaseless reading to stay abreast, the tedious editing and re-editing (in which I have providentially had the help of a gifted wife). My own library of about 10,000 volumes, now being dismantled and contributed piecemeal to Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, has provided a costly but invaluable and indispensable insight into the best minds of the ages.

Ours is not a time when American Christianity has been intellectually strong. Neo-orthodox theology deliberately took an anti-conceptual stance and, along with existential theology, rejected cognitive knowledge of the invisible world. Even the older rationalistic modernist theology in time tilted more and more toward anti-intellectualism. Fundamentalism, to be sure, emphasized the indispensability of revealed doctrines, but it pursued theology mainly in an evangelistic context and largely ignored the task of earnest philosophical confrontation. Technically oriented scholars were the exception, and one can be grateful for Gordon H. Clark, Cornelius Van Til, Edward John Carnell, and others who in their evangelical concerns interacted with the contemporary theological revolt. None of the evangelical writers here at home gained the literary power, reading audience, and wide impact of C. S. Lewis, though D. Elton Trueblood, espousing a kind of evangelical rational theism, alternated serious and popular works with considerable literary flair. Among British evangelicals, relatively few engaged in serious philosophical-theological writing; most of them lent their energies instead to biblical studies.

Many American evangelicals tend to be suspicious of higher learning and measure Christian credibility only by the yardstick of conversion. Various disconcerting signals of evangelical weakness have been the forfeiture of Christian university possibilities; the move toward an evangelical doctorate only in the context of missionary concerns; the fact that most significant philosophical contributions now come mainly from evangelical scholars teaching on secular university faculties (Alvin Plantinga at Calvin is a noteworthy exception); the limited scholarship support for serious evangelical graduate study and research effort; and reader interest among evangelicals in primarily intellectually undemanding literature.

The brighter side of the picture over the past generation is the appearance and growing demand for theological symposiums, Bible commentary series, modest encyclopedia efforts, theological and ethics dictionaries, and a few works in the area of biblical theology. The market for these works is largely among ministers and seminarians, however. Lay men and women have yet to share widely in an intellectual theological awakening; their usual concerns are stimulated mainly by polemical works, and some of their pastors set little example in reading and discussing serious religious literature. Among some Christian college students, however, we see a gratifying upturn of interest in intellectually rewarding evangelical books; this parallels what is happening in the religion departments of some secular universities. Serious evangelical students are realizing that neglect of the rational foundations of Christian theism and failure to confront the radically secular, positivist, and existential alternatives to biblical theology will only make less and less credible their own faith in the self-revealed God.

In a time of trouble the Apostle Paul solicited his “cloak that I left with Carpus at Troas, also the books, and above all the parchments” (2 Tim. 4:13). He did not, however, reserve his reading for the hours of critical need only. He was versed most deeply in Scripture, as we all need to be. But he was also a well and broadly read man, qualified to enter into dialogue with the unbelieving world of his day, to unmask its misconceptions, and to present a convincingly relevant alternative.

Like a Noise of Many Waters

We have just been having a few days of rest beside the Mediterranean Sea. A raging three-day wind and rain storm made us conscious of the sound of the waters day and night, pounding against rocks, crashing against the shore. We stood fascinated but with a feeling of respect tinged with fear as we watched a point on the rocks one afternoon: the water whirled and was sucked out into the sea, making a shallow area that suddenly seemed attacked by mountains of waves, higher than any of the rest, that crashed and thundered in to refill the drained-out area. The sound of the pounding waves kept us awake between four and eight o’clock in the morning as the wind rose and water washed in gusts against our windows. The sound of many waters penetrated our consciousness with the realization of power, power that human beings can do nothing about. Here is the power that is connected with floods, tidal waves, and breaking dams, the power that gives sudden illustration of the frailness of human defenses. Water—the sound of power. Many waters—the sound of great power, which demands some kind of attention.

“Afterward he brought me to the gate, even the gate that looketh toward the east: and, behold, the glory of the God of Israel came from the way of the east: and his voice was like a noise of many waters: and the earth shined with his glory” (Ezek. 43:1, 2). In describing the appearance of the living creatures he saw, which are to be seen in the future by many others, Ezekiel says this: “And when they went, I heard the noise of their wings, like the noise of great waters, as the voice of the Almighty, the voice of speech, as the noise of an host …” (1:24). Again here the voice of God the Almighty is compared to the noise of waters. John in Revelation 1:15 describes the One who stood before him, saying in part, “And his feet like unto fine brass, as if they burned in a furnace; and his voice as the sound of many waters.” The voice John heard as Jesus spoke in all his glory was not to be compared with that of the meek and quiet Jesus whom John knew as a daily companion earlier in his life. John’s description of the voice of the glorified Lord in all his power is the same as Ezekiel’s: it was like the sound of powerful waters, the kind of sound that permeates the whole atmosphere, shuts out other things, penetrates and awakens.

Come now to David’s description of the voice of the Lord in Psalm 29:3–9. “The voice of the LORD is upon the waters: the God of glory thundereth: the LORD is upon many waters. The voice of the LORD is powerful; the voice of the LORD is full of majesty. The voice of the LORD breaketh the cedars; yea, the LORD breaketh the cedars of Lebanon.… The voice of the LORD divideth the flames of fire. The voice of the LORD shaketh the wilderness; the LORD shaketh the winderness of Kadesh. The voice of the LORD maketh the hinds to calve, and discovered the forests: and in his temple doth every one speak of his glory.” Not only is the sound a sound of power, as God speaks, but results take place that no man can accomplish with his finite voice.

The voice of God is unique in the universe. When Jesus spoke in his voice, which had not yet the sound John was later to hear, the winds and the waves obeyed him. The sea suddenly became calm, so that the disciples not only might be safe from the danger of drowning but might have demonstrated to them very vividly the powerful results of Jesus’ voice. The sounds of wind-blown rain, seas raging in storms, tidal waves sweeping houses into rubble, waters unleashed from too frail dams, remind us of the sound of God’s voice. And they remind us also that his voice can change things that man can do nothing about. The results of God’s voice speaking in authority are awesome.

Although both Ezekiel and John were overcome by the awesome sound of power when they heard the Lord’s voice, they were able to report what the Lord said. In Ezekiel 43 we are told in verse 6, “And I heard him speaking unto me …,” and in the next verse, “And he said unto me.…” The content is full of very clear warning and judgment of the sin of turning away from God, of commiting spiritual adultery by following false gods and false teaching. There is the warning followed by a promise: “Now let them put away their whoredom … and I will dwell in the midst of them forever.”

The powerful voice of God warns of judgment, and the same voice expresses his compassion for those who come back to him in his given way. We are to listen with the same intensity of awe we feel when we observe the power of water. His spoken truth is not for us to judge or edit; we are to listen, absorb, understand, and bow.

What is it John heard said by the voice that sounded to him as the sound of many waters? “Fear not: I am the first and the last: I am he that liveth, and was dead; and behold I am alive forevermore, Amen; and have the keys of death and hades.” That same voice speaks on in chapters that follow with strong messages to the seven churches, and to us. “He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches; To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the midst of the paradise of God” (Rev. 2:7). “He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches; To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden manna …” (2:17). In chapter three the voice should penetrate any who have “an ear” with which to hear: “Because thou sayest, I am rich, and increased with goods, and have need of nothing; and knowest not that thou art wretched and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked; I counsel thee to buy of me gold tried in the fire, that thou mayest be rich; and white raiment, that thou mayest be clothed.… Behold, I stand at the door and knock: if any man hear my voice, and open the door, I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me” (Rev. 3:17, 18, 20).

The voice of God speaks with power and with clarity. In Revelation 12:11 the “overcomers” throughout the centuries are described, those who have listened to the voice of God in his written and preserved word and have followed what God has said: “And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death.”

Ideas

Missionary Islam; Missions to Islam

Abraham’s son Ishmael has come back to haunt us in the religion of Islam, which is Christianity’s greatest competitor for the hearts and minds of people around the world. With more than 538 million adherents, it is the second-largest religious grouping today. Apart from Christianity it is geographically the most widespread of all the religions. North America has 242,000 Muslims, South America 195,000, Europe 8 million, Asia 432 million, Africa 99 million, and Oceania 66,000 (the figures are from the 1976 Britannica Book of the Year).

Islam has as its heartland the Mideast, history’s traditional focal point. It is solidly entrenched at the point where three great continents intersect—Europe, Africa, and Asia. North Africa is overwhelmingly Islamic, Turkey is Islamic, and Europe has 8 million Muslims. Except for Israel, which is a tiny reminder that Abraham had another son, Islam controls the conjunction of these three continents.

Economically, Islamic nations can now determine the destiny of virtually every nation through their near monopoly of the earth’s energy resources, vital to every technocratic society. They have already exerted this leverage once and helped to produce the greatest economic slide since the depression of the 1930s. No one can predict with any certainty what would happen to the world should these Islamic nations turn off the oil supply that keeps even the richest nations afloat.

As a religion, Islam has great strengths. It is monotheistic, believing that Allah is sovereign as well as merciful and compassionate. It believes in the certainty of a just judgment day, insists on a continuous life of prayer, has a world-wide outlook, is aggressively missionary, and almost worships the Koran as a book dictated by God from heaven. The peripatetic merchant in Africa with his prayer rug is a familiar sight, and his evangelistic zeal often surpasses that of the Christian.

All these things make it difficult for Christians to evangelize the Muslims; they have been highly resistant to the Gospel. However, in recent years in places like Indonesia there have been some better results. Tribute should be paid to the Dutch missionaries who originally sowed the seed in an infertile soil; those who followed them are beginning to reap a richer harvest.

Quite recently the North American Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization agreed to pay special attention to the Muslim world. This quickening interest should be shared and promoted among the thousands of students who will assemble at Urbana for the Inter-Varsity Triennial Missionary Convention.

We fervently hope that PACLA, the African missionary congress that is to convene in Nairobi shortly, will also pay great attention to Islam and its almost 100 million adherents. Some of the most oppressive black political regimes in Africa are controlled by Islamic leaders whose actions at best have been capricious and at worst have resulted in the deaths of multiplied thousands of Christians and non-Christians.

Muslim evangelism requires a well reasoned strategy and certain commitments, the absence of which would impede a large-scale effort from the start. The kind of evangelism that will succeed calls for dedicated souls who will immerse themselves in the culture and the religion of Islam. They must live among people whose governments do not permit outright evangelism, people who will be influenced by the quality of the lives of Christians who are not missionaries as such. Such persons may not live long enough to see any large-scale results. They must plant the seed that future generations will see ripen to harvest.

They may have to enter college or a university, and bear their witness to a younger generation that has been exposed to systems and cultures that offer alternatives to the closed system of Islam. They may have to suffer persecution, endure the criticism of those of an alien faith, and enter into the deeper anguish of Calvary unknown to the many of us who have enjoyed the comfort of the Cross and not its burden.

The Islamic nations have a responsibility they should be reminded of in this age of great change. They have used freedom of religion to make converts in many nations, including the United States, but they have often denied freedom of religion in principle and in practice in their own bailiwicks. They should practice the principles enunciated in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Will the Christian Church rise to the challenge of a vigorous and aggressively evangelistic Islam? If it does not, its failure will be a betrayal of the Gospel as well as a breach of faith with the Lord of the Church, who died for the Muslim as much as for the animist, the Hindu, and the atheist.

More Gambling, More Losing

“You win some, you lose some,” says the philosophical gambler. He believes it. And even though studies have proven repeatedly that he loses much more than he wins, he keeps on believing that he will be a big winner.

Apparently, most Americans agree with this outlook. When citizens around the nation voted last month in state and local referenda, in most cases they stuck with the status quo. The one major area of change was gambling. Although not all the gaming proposals passed, significant ones did. In Colorado and Vermont, state lotteries were approved. New York City voters overwhelmingly favored legalization of “Las Vegas nights” in such places as churches. The most spectacular and best publicized of the gambling victories was New Jersey’s vote to permit casinos in Atlantic City.

Canadians too have fallen for the illusion that they have more to win than to lose in government-approved gambling. The first draw was scheduled this month in the new national lottery that offers nine $1 million prizes.

Estimates vary, but there is little disagreement that at least $1 million was spent in the campaign to get New Jersey to authorize casino operations. Gambling is a multi-billion-dollar-a-year industry in the United States, and it pays off handsomely for some of the operators and their suppliers. There is money in legalized, state-operated gambling for printers, designers of games, computer houses, advertising agencies, and consultants. There are so many people working at it now that they have trade associations, conferences, a Public Gaming Research Institute, and a quarterly magazine (Public Gaming).

All these “winners” like to suggest, however, that in legalized gambling it is the public that benefits. At the fourth National Conference on Public Gaming last month in Florida, keynoter Raymond S. Blanchard said, “We’ve got to convince people we’re not in the gambling business. We’re in the public revenue business.” The fact is that government treasuries get only a small portion of the overall income of these gambling schemes and that what they get is only a tiny part of their total revenue. In its report last month the National Gambling Commission pointed out that “gambling profits represent, on the average, 2 or 3 per cent of the annual state-level revenue in states where one or more forms of gambling are legal.” One of the commission’s studies also noted that initial predictions of profits are usually much too optimistic. As legalization spreads there will be more and more competition (and therefore higher advertising costs) for the bets. Mayor Abraham Beame of New York City has already served notice that he will work for state legislation to allow casinos, lest New Jersey steal away the tourists that would otherwise go to New York.

Perhaps the biggest loser of all is society in general. When government encourages a “something for nothing” philosophy and large numbers of people pin their hopes on it, both the individual citizens and the community suffer. People salve their consciences about the hungry and hopeless by saying they contributed through their bets in the charity sweepstakes.

Christian stewardship does not permit such poor investments. Responsible governments should not count on the income from such undependable ventures. And communities such as Atlantic City (where casino advocates said that the resort would be “born again” with the legalization of gambling) should be prepared to cope with a young Frankenstein as the infant grows.

Who Remembers Pearl Harbor?

A surprise attack devastated the United States fleet based at Pearl Harbor thirty-five years ago, and December 7, 1941, took its place in history as a day of infamy. However abominable the deed, from a military viewpoint it was brilliant. Have we learned anything from it?

There seems to be a widespread notion that in any future war, both sides would “fight fairly.” We might think of Pearl Harbor as a fluke and tend to dismiss it, since the Japanese lost the war after all. However, surprise attacks have often wreaked enormous destruction of life and equipment. In a nuclear age they might be more determinative of the final outcome than before.

The Japanese attacks on Port Arthur in 1905 and Pearl Harbor in 1941, the German attacks on Belgium in 1914 and again in 1940 and on Russia in 1941, the North Korean attack on South Korea in 1950, and the Egyptian-Syrian attack on Israel in 1973 were similar not only in the element of surprise and initial victory but also, curiously, in the fact that each time there was considerable evidence that the attack was impending! Henry Owens, director of foreign policy at the Brookings Institution, outlined this evidence in a brief article in the Washington Post last month. Human beings at times are too ready to believe what they hear, but at crucial times they are often unwilling to believe really ominous warnings.

There are lessons to be learned from this. Some of them pertain to the military preparedness needed to deter—or, if that fails, to defeat—possible aggressors. Another concerns spiritual preparedness—readiness to meet God, either individually at death or collectively at Christ’s return. The Scriptures tell us that people will have ample warning of Christ’s second coming but will still be caught by surprise.

God has warned us that we must one day stand before him. Even if we are caught by surprise, we will have no excuse for being unprepared.

What Is It That America Wants?

Even the best minds have a hard time conceiving of what a good social order would really be like. This was borne out in October when seven of America’s most respected intellectual leaders came together to explore “the nature of a humane society.” John Kerr, who reported and analyzed the symposium for Religious News Service, said that after about fifteen hours of erudite and often brilliant talk, the audience of nearly 1,000, who had paid $50 each for the experience, went home with a lot to think about and not much idea of what to do.

At the start of the symposium historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., made a remark that other speakers echoed: “What is essential is to comprehend the frailty of human striving but to strive nevertheless.” Saturday Review editor Norman Cousins said: “I am not oppressed by, nor do I shrink before, the apparent boundaries in life or the lack of boundaries in the cosmos.”

Perhaps we ought to be thankful for even that much optimism, given the magnitude of the world’s problems today. Yet one wonders whether the pluralism that is now so much a part of America has not produced our greatest problem: the lack of agreement on where we should be going. How can a people be mobilized toward an undefined moral end?

The symposium, held in Philadelphia, was sponsored by the Southeastern Pennsylvania Synod of the Lutheran Church in America. Regrettably, little effort was made to bring biblical insights to bear on the proceedings. The only presenter who dwelt at length on his own understanding of the Christian faith was space scientist Wernher von Braun. (He was ill and unable to attend; his paper was read for him.) Von Braun asserted that “religion, like science, is evolutionary, growing and changing in the light of further revelations by God.” He urged Christian churches to “become a little more flexible with regard to various interpretations of the Bible as a historical account.” That disappointing view of Scripture holds little promise.

Modern human beings resist God because his demands fail to conform to certain specifications. But when we begin to analyze those specifications we become doubtful as to where they lead. When we come right down to it, we don’t really know what’s good for us. So we don’t know where we want to go, much less how to get there. And that situation, when realized, leads us to look to God. May he grant that it will be so.

Surviving the Spotlight

Despite what the Washington Star described as “a media circus of the worst kind” outside, the Plains Baptist Church took care of some congregational business one Sunday last month. As practically the whole world knows, it reversed an untenable policy denying membership to blacks. And the pastor, who opposed the old policy, got a vote of confidence (albeit a slim one).

That church building in a small south Georgia town and the people who worship there have been in the spotlight for nearly a year. The attention directed at the Plains Baptists because of the faith of their most prominent member almost wrecked the building and the congregation (see News, page 50). That they have survived is almost a miracle. Many groups in similar circumstances would not have been able to handle the pressure.

We commend the Plains Baptists for coping with the crisis. We commend them for the gracious welcome they have given to an unusual number of visitors. Most of all we commend them for officially (even if belatedly) opening their doors to all who confess Jesus Christ. And we urge other Christians to give prayerful support to the Plains Baptists as they carry out the new policy while continuing in the spotlight.

Christmas Has a Context

Advent season brings with it an emphasis on Christ’s birth and infancy, his entrance onto the human stage. As the Living Bible puts it, he “became a human being and lived here on earth among us” (John 1:14). Twice-a-year churchgoers know little more about Jesus than a few facts concerning his birth and crucifixion. Many of the world’s people know even less, but what they do grasp concerns his humanity more than his deity.

The good news of the Gospel is incomplete without reference to the Incarnation. But the good news is so much more significant when the hearer understands the context. Christ’s life was not limited to the years he spent in Palestine twenty centuries ago; he existed before the earth was formed.

The first chapter of John’s Gospel places the life of this extraordinary person in its proper context; “He was in the beginning with God; all things were made through him, and without him was not anything made that was made” (v. 2). His omnipotence is clearly indicated here, but so is his humility. To come into the world and to assume the frail body of a man he had to leave his heavenly place of authority and power.

Unlike any other person who had ever lived on earth, Jesus represented life and light (v. 4) and grace and truth (v. 14). Unlike any other person who ever walked the pathways of this world, he represented God: “But to all who received him, who believed in his name, he gave power to become children of God” (v. 12). Indeed, he was “the only Son” of God (vv. 14 and 18).

John the Baptist recognized him as “the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world” (v. 29). Andrew identified him as the Messiah (v. 41), and Nathanael called him the King of Israel (v. 49).

Jesus Christ did come to earth as the babe of Bethlehem, but that event is weighty because he was the everlasting God before he appeared in Palestine and while he “dwelt among us,” and is the everlasting God now as he sits on the right hand of the Father in majesty and power.

Refiner’s Fire: Bob Dylan: Still Blowin’ in the Wind

Sixteen years ago nineteen-year-old Robert Zimmerman moved from Minnesota to New York City. He left behind his past, his family, and his name. Ahead was his new life as Bob Dylan, influential singer-songwriter. Over the years countless artists have recorded Dylan’s songs, and he has toured the world. Dylan is one of the three major trendsetters in popular music, the other two being Elvis Presley and the Beatles. The press has hailed him as a prophet, a leader, a teacher, a messiah, a poet, the voice of young America, and the conscience of his generation. Dylan says he’s just a songwriter.

Throughout his career Dylan has reflected his religious upbringing. Raised in a strict Jewish home, he fills his songs with religious language, biblical references and characters, and theological questions. He views man in the light of the cosmic struggle between good and evil. Man must choose to follow God and truth or fall into death, decay, and ultimate judgment.

“Gates of Eden” (1965) says the world is evil but “there are no sins inside the Gates of Eden.” Dylan sees the world as “sick … hungry … tired … torn/It looks like it’s a-dyin’ an’ it’s hardly been born” (“Song to Woody,” 1962); as a “concrete world full of souls” (“The Man in Me,” 1970); and as a “world of steel-eyed death and men who are fighting to be free” (“Shelter From the Storm,” 1974). Technologically advanced America threatens human freedom, feels Dylan, who confesses that “the man in me will hide sometimes to keep from being seen/But that’s just because he doesn’t want to turn into some machine.” In “It’s Alright, Ma (I’m Only Bleeding)” (1965), his sermon in song line by line decries the phoniness of society’s games. “Human gods” make “everything from toy guns that spark/ To flesh colored Christs that glow in the dark.” “Not much is really sacred,” Dylan concludes.

Early in his career Dylan wrote many finger-pointing songs about man’s inhumanity to man. He sang out against racial prejudice, hatred, and war. “Blowin’ in the Wind,” perhaps his most famous song, asks, “How many ears must one man have/Before he can hear people cry?”

Freedom and sin are major themes in a number of Dylan’s songs. “With God on Our Side” (1963) is a satirical justification of war. In “Masters of War” (1963) he lashes out at the war profiteers who make money from young men’s lives. He concludes that “Even Jesus would never/Forgive what you do.” This cool, calculated evil will be punished, for “All the money you made/Will never buy back your soul.” Dylan retells the story of Abraham and Isaac in “Highway 61 Revisited” (1965). Abraham questions God, who replies, “You can do what you want Abe, but/The next time you see me coming you’d better run.” Abraham complies, knowing that peace with God comes only through obedience to God’s directives. Ten years later Dylan reiterated that in “Oh Sister”: “Is not our purpose the same on this earth/ To love and follow His direction?”

Hard Rain, his most recent album, contains a live concert version of “Lay, Lady, Lay,” written in 1969. Dylan adds these lyrics: “You can have the truth/But you’ve got to choose it.” Is man ultimately responsible for sin? Is man really free? Yes, man is free to choose to obey or disobey divine directives, but he is responsible and will be judged (“I’d Hate to Be You on That Dreadful Day” and “Whatcha Gonna Do?,” 1962).

Dylan reads the Bible, and his favorite parts are the parables of Jesus. The album John Wesley Harding, recorded in 1968, two years after his nearly fatal motorcycle accident, contains a song patterned after those parables. “The Ballad of Frankie Lee and Judas Priest” tells of Frankie Lee’s thirst for wealth and his sensual lust, which ultimately bring his downfall and death. Frankie Lee denies that eternity exists. Dylan moralizes, “Don’t go mistaking Paradise for that home across the road.” So many people fail to think of anything besides their own quest for wealth; eternity means nothing to them. “Three Angels” (1970) play horns atop poles as people, oblivious, hurry by. “Does anyone hear the music they play?/Does anyone even try?”

Dylan views man spiritually. In “Dirge” (1973) he confesses, “I felt that place within/ That hollow place/ Where martyrs weep/ And angels play with sin.” In “Simple Twist of Fate” (1974) he writes of one who “Felt that emptiness inside/ To which he just could not relate.” Man’s spiritual cavity too often remains vacant.

Dylan has criticized the established religious institutions. “Got no religion. Tried a bunch of different religions. The churches are divided. Can’t make up their minds and neither can I,” he said early in his career. He hit at the attempts of churches and preachers to be relevant in “Stuck Inside of Mobile With the Memphis Blues Again” (1966):

Now the preacher looked so baffled

When I asked him why he dressed

With twenty pounds of headlines

Stapled to his chest

But he cursed me when I proved it to him.

Then I whispered. “Not even you can hide.

You see, you’re just like me.

I hope you’re satisfied.”

Religious institutions are impotent: “The priest wore black on the seventh day/ And sat stone-faced while the building burned” (“Idiot Wind,” 1974).

Dylan views God pantheistically. “I can see God in a daisy,” he told an interviewer. “I can see God at night in the wind and rain. I see creation just about everywhere. The highest form of song is prayer. King David’s, Solomon’s, the wailing of a coyote, the rumble of the earth.” In his modern-day psalm “Father of Night” (1970), Dylan praises God as the creator of night and day, heat and cold, loneliness and pain. He is the Father of all “who dwells in our hearts and our memories,” the “Father of whom we most solemnly praise.” Dylan’s prayer for his generation and all succeeding people is outlined in “Forever Young” (1973): “May God bless and keep you always,” may you “know the truth,” be righteous, upright, and true and “stay forever young.” For as he wrote earlier, “He not busy being born/ Is busy dying.”

“Sign on the Cross” (1967), perhaps Dylan’s most enigmatic song, says that the sign on Jesus’ cross can never be forgotten—“And it’s still that sign on the cross/ That worries me.” Men cannot escape that symbol and what it means.

“Knockin’ on Heaven’s Door (1972) deals with death. “I Threw It All Away” (1969) points to love as the ultimate force for good in the world. “Oh Sister” tells of dying, being reborn, and being “mysteriously saved.” “Shelter From the Storm” finds Dylan wearing a crown of thorns and bargaining for salvation. “Long Ago, Far Away” (1962) warns that those who promote brotherhood might end up hanging on a cross. “Isis” (1975) speaks of quick prayers that easily satisfy. Priests recite “prayers of old” as the face of God appears in the streets in “Romance in Durango” (1975). “Joey” (1975) pictures a God of retribution who will punish evil acts.

Bob Dylan pioneered the message song; he remains at its forefront. He asks metaphysical questions and tries to give some answers, which are less than Christian. But he has affected many young people and continues to do so. We need to understand what kind of spiritual guidance he gives.

Daniel J. Evearitt is the assistant pastor of Tappan Alliance Church, Tappan, New York.

For Tolkien Fans

Late last summer at an informal gathering in Bethesda, Maryland, J. R. R. Tolkien’s daughter, Priscilla, announced that the long awaited The Silmarillion was finally at the publisher’s. And Tolkien devotees have more than that book to look for. Letters From Father Christmas, written for his children when they were young, and a new biography will soon be published.

Clyde Kilby’s delightful anecdotal book entitled Tolkien and The Silmarillion, published last spring (Harold Shaw), provides a good introduction to the Oxford don. C. S. Lewis’s comment that he served as Tolkien’s “midwife” becomes clearer after Kilby tells us of his disorganized, eccentric manner of work. And we also understand why it has taken Tolkien’s son Christopher so long to put The Silmarillion into publishable form.

In its Writers for the Seventies series Crowell has reprinted a 1972 Warner volume, J. R. R. Tolkien, by Robley Evans. Evans adds little to Tolkien criticism; both style and content are relatively undistinguished.

Those who enjoy Tolkien will want to read Patricia A. McKillip’s latest novel. The Riddle-Master of Hed (Atheneum, 228 pp., $7.95), the first volume of a trilogy, has several things in common with Tolkien’s work. It takes place in another world and tells of the end of an age. The plot turns on a quest, though of a different nature from Frodo’s. Some of McKillip’s names sound elvish, and language and names are central to her story.

By her clever creations McKillip saves her story from being merely derivative. She makes the vesta, an animal “broad as a farmhorse, with a deer’s delicate triangular face,” live. The ability of a man to change shape, to become a vesta, provides her with a striking image. Her description of what it’s like to be a strong, free animal, warm and white against the cold snow, has a dream-like quality. Protagonist Morgon’s Great Shout splits the High One’s house from top to bottom, and ends the first volume. That conclusion is a cliff-hanger; I hope the second volume will be published soon.

Another story for older children and adults (nine and up, says the book jacket) from Atheneum examines Margaret Redmon’s life after death. Song of the Pearl (158 pp., $6.50) by Ruth Nichols is a difficult book to follow. She mixes a little reincarnation with some apocryphal sayings of Jesus, a gnostic hymn (the title of the book is the hymn title), a little Indian superstition, and some other religious ideas. (Nichols is a Ph.D. candidate in religious studies at McMaster University.)

The story is interesting. But the religious implications are so intertwined with the plot that I doubt whether nine-year-olds would appreciate it at even the simplest level. Nichols’s talent is wasted in this religous story.

Ursula K. LeGuin, best known for her science-fiction stories, has written a lovely short tale, Very Far Away From Anywhere Else (Atheneum, 89 pp., $5.95), for older children and adults. This, too, can be called a religious book, but in contrast to Song of the Pearl it is simple, unaffected, moving. Why am I different? What do I want from life? How shall I live? What things are worth sacrifice? The narrator and his friend discover the answers to some of these questions as the story progresses. LeGuin uses the first-person style effectively, allowing it, as well as the plot, to show the protagonist’s maturation.

CHERYL FORBES

Low-Grade ‘Plot’

Gong! The scene changes. Another gong. Another scene changes. Gong.… And so on throughout the film. Those gongs are the most memorable part of a less-than-grade-B film—C-minus, perhaps.

The Passover Plot, released by Atlas Films, is a silly movie made from that bad book by Hugh Schonfield so much talked about a few years ago. The story, à la Romeo and Juliet: Jesus takes a drug to slow his heart to an imperceptible beat. He’s crucified but never dies. Thus a fake resurrection. The movie is fairly faithful to the book, and it’s obviously unbiblical. Add to the weak plot poor pacing, both under- and overacting, and a badly written and edited script.

Most of the actors are television rejects. The pauses Jesus makes between phrases slow the film to a crawl. His face is expressionless, his voice inflection free. His movements are rigid, studied, self-conscious. Another character (his name is unimportant; in fact, it’s difficult to tell who is who) shrieks all his lines in a hoarse, rasping voice—and he lisps. His facial muscles do double duty; he’s supposed to be a Zealot. John the Baptist is a little better, though he, too, is portrayed as wild-eyed.

Is the plodding “Passover Plot” a put-on?

Pilate is the only character worth watching, but unfortunately he is off camera most of the time. He looks and sounds natural, unlike the rest of the cast, who either scream or moon. The sympathies of the audience go to Pilate and not the oppressed Hebrews. Creaking Caiaphas calls Pilate “governor,” which jarringly comes out “guv’nuh.” He sounds as if he belongs in My Fair Lady.

The script-writers attempt to sound biblical and literary. But they undercut their efforts by throwing in such American slang as “lay low.” Perhaps the whole thing is a put-on.

Occasionally the cameramen give us some nice touches, and visually the film is not badly edited. A particularly effective shot comes when John the Baptist is arrested. He has just baptized a woman and stands in the water waiting for other converts to step forward. The crowd is afraid of the Roman soldiers on horseback watching nearby. As John turns in the water to see what has mesmerized the crowd, one of the Romans rides into the water, and the camera shows us the pounding horse’s hoofs flailing and churning the water.

The good camera work is too often undercut by the director’s bad blocking. At the end of a Jewish uprising the bodies of the victims are seen lying equidistant from one another in the sand. Most of the scenes have a rigid, tableau-like appearance. That lack of fluid movement, too, slows down the pace.

The producers of The Passover Plot are trying to cash in on the renewed religious mood in this country. We can count on not only reviews but also word of mouth to thwart them.

CHERYL FORBES

Ulster Christians: No Middle Ground?

When Northern Ireland’s constitutional convention dissolved in disarray last spring, many observers predicted a new outbreak of killing, a stepped-up IRA offensive, even open civil war. That never happened, and now the Peace People have proved once again the folly of trying to prophesy events in that troubled country.

Recently, Protestant and Catholic women, fed up with eight years of violence and empty political rhetoric, joined in an unprecedented show of unity. Some 20,000 of them marched together in Belfast to demand peace. No one was more surprised than the beleaguered citizens themselves, and few expected anything to come of it. However, the movement has grown, and while both the IRA and Ian Paisley have denounced it, one Belfast paper editorialized, “the ordinary, decent Northern Irishwoman and man have found their voice, and they like the sound of it better than the voices that have been loudly raised in their name over the last eight years.”

More Americans confess to not understanding the Northern Ireland conflict than to not understanding the Middle East or the situation in Cyprus or Africa or other world hot spots. The most frequently asked question: “Is it a religious war?”

The ugly spectacle of two Christian bodies resolving their differences through violence makes most Christians shudder. Yet bloody battles in the name of Christianity are nothing new. Right after the Reformation, Catholic-Protestant wars raged in Europe, and churchmen all too often had a hand in assassinations, massacres, and political machinations.

Although the Ulster conflict has been complicated by religion, it is much more than a denominational war. Political power, civil rights, economic discrimination, deep-seated political differences, group identity and survival—all these factors enter into a fight in which the two sides are termed “Protestant” and “Catholic.”

No one is arguing doctrine. Although a few Protestant politicians express anti-Catholic sentiments, Protestant militants aren’t fighting to protest the papal claim to infallibility or belief in the presence of Christ’s body in the Lord’s Supper. IRA leaders generally lean so far to the political left that the church has excommunicated them, and many are atheists. The Queens University students who kicked off the present spate of troubles in 1968 were declared Marxists.

Is it a religious war? No one is arguing doctrine. But tribal instincts are strong, and both Catholics and Protestants fear that their way of life is in danger. Churches have not done all they might to cool the flames.

Tribal instincts are strong, and both Protestants and Catholics fear that their way of life is in danger. Religion, however, as a Time essay writer put it, “always a receptacle for ultimate aspirations, can enlist the best and the worst in its congregations. In conflict, religion can be used—or perverted—to call up supernatural justifications for killing.” A few Protestant extremists in Northern Ireland sound disturbingly like Luther, who wrote, “He who will not hear God’s Word when it is spoken with kindness must listen to the headsman when he comes with his ax.”

The Ulster struggle, however, is not a throwback to the sixteenth century, even though there is a case for handing the blame for the deep sectarian feeling back to England. Without question, over the years the Westminster government inflamed the animosities between the two groups as a means of controlling the country. For example, when Irish lands were confiscated, the justification offered was protection against the papacy. Actually, it was protection against Spain and France that England had in mind.

The Bill of Rights of 1689 and the Penal Laws of the early 1700s deprived Catholics of basic civil rights such as education, property ownership, and participation in public life. Lord Randolph Churchill, trying to oust the liberal Gladstone as prime minister in 1886, played what he called “the Orange Card.” He kindled the fears of Northern Protestants to believe that “home rule would mean Rome rule.”

H. M. Carson, a minister in Bangor, points a finger at history but aims it at the sixteenth-century reformers. He says they failed to deal with the Roman view of the state as sacred, and cites men such as John Calvin and John Knox, who thought in terms of national churches. When the seventeenth-century planters came to Ulster, they came not only as English and Scots but as Anglicans and Presbyterians. The cause of Ulster soon became the cause of Christ, and the conflict one between the people of God and the people not of God. Carson adds, parenthetically, that when one sees what the so-called Protestant population is like, one realizes how absurd that idea is.

“Under this kind of thinking,” Carson wrote, “the Protestant minister becomes an Elijah on Mt. Carmel facing the apostate ruler … and confronting the priests of Baal (for Baal read the Roman Catholic church).

“By New Testament standards, however, this is a false equation. No one nation today stands where Old Testament Israel stood. The Church of Christ is not the religious aspect of the nation but is the community of faith drawn out of the nation.”

Carson is one of many who bemoan the political involvement of ministers, especially as they commit churches to a political position. Although he doesn’t name the Reverend Ian Paisley in his writings, Carson is aware that Paisley is the chief exponent of this position. It is difficult to deny that it is a religious struggle when a man clearly states, as Paisley has, that he is fighting a religious battle. For him, no doubt, it is religious. The following passage from Paisley’s Protestant Telegraph is typical of his arguments:

“Ulster Protestants are passing through a time of tremendous testing. The Socialist government at Westminster is intent on their destruction. Harold Wilson, the puppet of Cardinal Heenan, and Mr. Callaghan, the puppet of Harold Wilson, are out for our destruction. Ulster is, in fact, to all intents and purposes under direct Westminster control, with a military dictatorship geared to placate the Roman Catholics and browbeat and ‘jackboot’ the Protestants.” (The Protestant siege mentality comes through here as strongly as the anti-Catholicism.)

Paisley’s anti-Catholic rhetoric has contributed immeasurably to the hardening of sectarian positions in the last six or seven years. How, for example, does someone on either side respond when he reads in the Protestant Telegraph, in an article about the sale of Hitler statuettes in Germany, the suggestion that they “make a statuette of the greatest war criminal that was never hanged, Pope Pius XII.” Paisley’s speeches are filled with more than bigotry and hatred. They are violent in nature and have contributed directly, as the Cameron Commission concluded, to riots and to bloodshed.

Just how influential is Ian Paisley and his Protestant Telegraph? No doubt he stepped into a leadership vacuum in the early seventies and struck a responsive chord with a majority of the Protestant working class. Then, as positions hardened, he swung many moderates behind him. And as Albert Menendez says in The Bitter Harvest, “it is doubtful that ultimate peace can come to Ulster unless the Protestants who subscribe to these views can be convinced that their fears are largely groundless.”

While for Paisley it is a religious battle fought on the political level, many of his followers no doubt are more interested in the political part of it. Close associates of Paisley formed the Ulster Protestant Volunteers, some of whom were no doubt instrumental in reorganizing the Ulster Volunteer Force. The original UVF was the illegal Protestant paramilitary group formed by Lord Edward Carson in 1912, and it forced the division of Northern and Southern Ireland. Since it was reorganized in the late sixties, the UVF has been responsible for dozens of bombings, shootings, and deaths. Most outside observers agree that Ian Paisley’s rhetoric gave birth to the new Protestant volunteer movement.

A second focal point for anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland is the Orange Order. At the close of the eighteenth century, Protestants, again feeling the threat of the Catholic majority, began forming secret societies that coalesced into the Orange Order. Its main purpose has always been to maintain Protestant supremacy, and it is impossible today to measure the immense influence it has on the social and political life of the country.

The Orange Order is a major factor in keeping Protestants convinced that the real enemy is Rome, and many rank-and-file Orangemen (some 100,000 in Ulster) believe that the Vatican was behind the civil-rights protests as a ploy in its plan for world conquest.

On July 12 each year the Orange Order sponsors the marches that on dozens of occasions have led to violence. Thousands of orange-sashed marchers with bowler hats, beating large drums, parade through the streets. Their very presence provokes strong Catholic antagonism, and they often feed these feelings with anti-Catholic taunts and jeers. These bring stones, rocks, and bottles down on the marchers, and the battle is on.

This, by the way, is the organization that teaches its members to respond, when asked why they are Orangemen, “Because I desire to live to the Glory of God, and, resisting every superstition and idolatry, earnestly to contend for the faith once delivered to the saints.”

To what extent, then, are the churches to blame for the current situation? Could they, if they so willed, exert more influence for peace?

Certainly they have made the expected pronouncements. At regular intervals, or after some particularly bloody incident, leading churchmen deplore the violence and the current state of war. Bishop so and so “condemns the foul and callous bombing of the pub in the Falls Road.” Or the moderator of the such and such church says, “When will we come to our senses and sit down together to work out our differences?” Every major church group has made a dozen such statements, and hundreds of sermons have been preached on peace, brotherhood, non-violence, and the like.

But all too often the speeches of churchmen, while calling for an end to violence, also heap fuel on the fire by pinning blame on the other side. After the bitter battles of Belfast and Londonderry in August, 1969, Cardinal Conway called on his people to “remember that Protestants in general are good Christian people.” Yet at the same time he threw the blame at the feet of Protestant mobs. Immediately three leading Protestants attacked the cardinal’s statement.

Protestant and Catholic clergy have, of course, been conditioned by the same culture and history as their flocks. They also feel the weight of heavy community pressure. Any sign of reconciliation or offer of peace may be taken as weakness or straying from the faith and could bring on them the scorn of their own people.

Christians find it hard to admit that their faith can be a factor in a shameful scandal such as that in Northern Ireland. No doubt faith is not to blame. But that which has passed for religion in Ireland and in many parts of the world since the fall of man has certainly been a large part of the problem. On top of that, the churches and church leaders who bear the name of Christ have contributed significantly to the blot on his name.

Many thinking people in Northern Ireland have looked at churches’ involvement (or lack of it) and rejected the institution and its basic message. As one local editorial writer put it, “it is no wonder that so many honest men and women avoid the hypocrisy of such ‘Christianity’ and in the process opt for a fairly civilized life, based on roughly asserted secular values that at least have some aesthetic appeal.”

On the other hand, individual acts of Christian love abound, even though their effect on efforts for peace is negligible. There was, for example, the pastor who was sitting in his office before a Sunday-evening service when word came of trouble down the street. “My place is down there,” he said, and he ran from the church. At the riot scene he found two groups hurling rocks, bottles, and curses. He also found an Anglican rector, two curates, a parish priest, and a Methodist minister. The clergymen linked arms and formed a human barrier between the two mobs.

Then there is the Methodist minister who takes his people caroling each Christmas in a Catholic section; the mill worker who lost both legs in a bomb blast but feels no bitterness; the young man who once threw rocks at the soldiers but now plays gospel songs on his guitar in the army canteen. And there is the priest to whom the army turned for help to quell a riot; he walked up to a group of angry women and said, “Sure, and do you know what they tell me? That all the good-looking women are going home.” That brought a good laugh and broke up the crowd.

Another place where the sectarian wall has toppled and where bitterness and prejudice seem to have dissolved is within the charismatic movement. It has spawned a half dozen or more weekly meetings in which Presbyterians, Brethren, Methodists, and other Protestants pray, sing, study the Bible and worship with Catholics, an almost unheard of event before this. While the charismatic movement in Ireland is lay oriented, leading Catholic and Protestant clergymen are involved.

A few leading churchmen have also risen above sectarianism. Some Protestant clergymen dared to meet with IRA leaders to help bring about a temporary ceasefire one Christmas. Others on both sides have braved scorn and recriminations to make meaningful contact with their opposites. But they are a minority.

Writers and commentators in Ireland generally avoid any great show of optimism. When asked about the future, they often devise scenarios—if A were to happen, then B would follow.

Many Christians pray for revival and for peace, but the two are inseparably linked in their minds. There seems to be an assumption that if God is going to do anything, it must be to bring an end to the troubles. Peace is viewed more politically than spiritually. The most frequently quoted Scripture verse in the country may be Second Chronicles 7:14—“If my people who are called by my name humble themselves, and pray and seek my face, and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal their land.”

Of course, if Christ genuinely changes a life, it will show up in behavior. If love and patience and longsuffering and peace replace hatred and bigotry and fear and unrest in a large number of lives, why shouldn’t we expect it to touch all areas of life and bring peace to a weary land?

Apple PodcastsDown ArrowDown ArrowDown Arrowarrow_left_altLeft ArrowLeft ArrowRight ArrowRight ArrowRight Arrowarrow_up_altUp ArrowUp ArrowAvailable at Amazoncaret-downCloseCloseEmailEmailExpandExpandExternalExternalFacebookfacebook-squareGiftGiftGooglegoogleGoogle KeephamburgerInstagraminstagram-squareLinkLinklinkedin-squareListenListenListenChristianity TodayCT Creative Studio Logologo_orgMegaphoneMenuMenupausePinterestPlayPlayPocketPodcastRSSRSSSaveSaveSaveSearchSearchsearchSpotifyStitcherTelegramTable of ContentsTable of Contentstwitter-squareWhatsAppXYouTubeYouTube