What’s Ahead?

The decision of the United States Supreme Court disallowing the New York Regents’ prayer aroused furor in many parts of the country. Another possibly equally perturbing decision is still pending—that concerning the constitutionality of Bible reading in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Florida public schools. To understand these situations one must understand the changes that have been penetrating the religious life of our nation.

No one questions that our nation, by and large, was founded and established by men of deep religious faith and conviction. Mostly of British background and also of German, French, Dutch, and Swedish heritage, the early settlers were, in the main, of Protestant persuasion. Congregational-Presbyterianism prevailed in New England, and Anglicanism predominated in the South. While some of the middle colonies professed and practiced religious toleration, or even religious freedom, they were the exception.

Our founding fathers considered the relationship of man to his maker a fundamental part of their philosophy of life and believed that human rights were derived from this relationship. They recognized also the fact of their Christian heritage. But they knew history well enough to recognize the dangers of an established religion and saw the necessity of encouraging the free practice of religion in a free society. Accordingly, they wrote this safeguard into the First Amendment to the Constitution: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the exercise thereof.” By these words they rejected the idea of an established religion and guaranteed personal religious freedom.

They had no intention, however, of thereby encouraging a spirit of anti-religion. As Norman Cousins indicates, “It is significant that most of the founding fathers grew up in a strong religious atmosphere; many had Calvinist family backgrounds. In reacting against it, they did not react against basic religious ideas, or what they considered to be the spiritual nature of man. Most certainly they did not turn against God, or lose their respect for religious belief. Indeed it was their very concern for the conditions under which free religious belief was possible that caused them to invest so much of their thought and energy into the cause of human rights” (In God We Trust, p. 9).

While most of the men who authored our documents of freedom affiliated themselves with Protestant denominations as professing Christians and were influenced by eighteenth-century enlightenment, they nevertheless believed in religious freedom. They were well aware of the discrimination and persecution that followed whenever the colonies superimposed an established religion upon their people. Such evil they were determined to prevent. So they underwrote religious freedom, not to do away with the practice of religion but rather to insure it for everyone. They knew that religion as a whole would be destroyed if each group, in affirming the truth of its own faith, practiced intolerance and bigotry.

Despite this provision by the founding fathers for practicing differences of religious conviction, the nation shared a common bond of unity. As the various colonies ceased to exist legally as independent religiously established units and became a nation, the people of America recognized the fact of a common heritage. This common heritage was not only Christian and Protestant, but Protestant Christianity of Calvinistic orientation. For many years this special kind of faith characterized the American people as a whole. This faith was unique in its ability both to influence the new nation and to adapt itself to a changing environment without sacrificing any of its peculiar genius.

In the early days of American history the chief center of community life and culture was the Church, specifically the Protestant Church. It was the one institution that united people into a cohesive unit. While there were many denominations and sects, they shared a common belief in God, in Jesus Christ, and in the Bible as divinely authoritative. Protestantism also incorporated a healthy individualism that stimulated the nation’s growth. American Protestantism had no ecclesiastical dependence upon churches in Europe. Men were free to preach the Gospel, and even to establish new churches on the growing frontiers of American life. As the newer states matured from their pioneer status, their churches, which were Protestant, effectively influenced the shaping of community life.

The revival services that characterized American Protestantism aided the growth and impact of the Church. Whole communities were changed as thousands of people came under the influence of the Gospel message. In both the East and the West the number of those who professed Protestant Christianity continued to rise. There was virtually no competition. Roman Catholicism was but a small, almost negligible factor in the life and culture of those times. Its adherents were few; in 1787 there may have been 35,000 (Kenneth Scott Latourette, The Great Century, Vol. IV, p. 230) in a total population of about 3,900,000 (in the census of 1790 the total population was 3,929,214), or less than one per cent. Thus while the founding fathers espoused and provided for a pluralistic society, American culture for decades was predominantly Reformed-Protestant in perspective.

During this period in our national life no one seriously challenged the fact that religion (and by religion we mean Protestantism) was an integral part of the American scene. Public education, for example, knew nothing about excluding the major premises of the Christian faith from its pedagogy. Religion, in fact, was the mother of education in America. During the colonial period, the primary schools were conducted in close alliance with the churches. And until the turn of the present century, secondary education, especially in the newer areas of settlement, was provided largely in academies operated under religious auspices and taught by ministers. Most of our colleges and universities, including such revered institutions as Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Chicago, Kentucky, and Vanderbilt, were established by churchmen. The ministry of teaching has been a major contribution of Christianity to American culture (Ronald B. Osborn, The Spirit of American Christianity, pp. 33 f.). Schools were free to teach the Beatitudes or other Scripture passages in entirety. Classes could begin with prayers invoked in the name of Christ. The Bible could be taught and read, and hymns could be sung. Christian holy days, such as Christmas and Easter, could be observed accordingly. The culture of America was predominantly, even profoundly, Christian in the Protestant tradition. No one seriously challenged either this devotion to religious heritage, or the doctrine of religious freedom laid down by our founding fathers.

This situation, however, underwent gradual change. Before 1820 (200 years after our Pilgrim fathers) there were no more than 20,000 immigrants a year, and these were mostly Protestants. Between 1820 and 1860, however, about 5,000,000 immigrants entered the United States, and since then over 35,000,000 have come to our shores. Among these later immigrants were many Roman Catholics and Jews who brought with them—and this is no condemnation, but merely a statement of fact—ideas and cultures that differed extensively from those of the early settlers and founders of our nation.

In the 1820s and especially after the potato famine of 1846 in Ireland, the Irish came to America in great numbers. For the first time in American history our population had a sizable representation of Roman Catholics. Toward the end of the century most immigrants came from southern and eastern Europe and introduced new ethnic groups into our society. While most of these people were Roman Catholic, they incorporated also two sizable new elements, namely, the Eastern Orthodox and the Jewish. America was becoming less Protestant and less Puritan in spirit. We were becoming a more complex and pluralistic society.

Being new, and at first often of lower economic and social status, these new minority groups found it profitable and advantageous to adhere to our predominantly Protestant culture. This was the only way they could progress. There was still no danger to our Protestant heritage, however, and even as late as 1927 foreign observers like André Siegfried could speak of Protestantism as the United States’ only national religion. Someone else observed, however, that “they [the immigrants] still saw the more ancient stamp on our culture rather than the immediate dynamics of the situation.”

The Yearbook of American Churches for 1962 reported that the United States now has 63,688,835 Protestants, 42,104,900 Roman Catholics, 5,367,000 Jews, and 2,698,663 Eastern Orthodox. The Roman church, that for over a century was a relatively insignificant minority, is today a sizable group in our country. The Roman church has increased markedly in number, wealth, and prestige. Its members, by and large, are loyal to their church in active membership and support, while many Protestants, on the other hand, are Protestant merely in name.

Furthermore, America’s new culture is becoming urban centered, and the large cities which dominate this new culture are becoming, or have become, largely Roman Catholic. Cities like Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cleveland, and Chicago, are all concentrations of Roman Catholic population, and increasingly control the political life of our nation. For the first time in our nation’s history we have a Roman Catholic president, whose election, moreover, was largely carried by the city vote. The majority leaders of both the House and the Senate are Roman Catholic, a situation that 50, or even 30 years ago would have been quite improbable in American life. Whether this change is good or bad is not the issue. The point is that something new has appeared on the American scene, and Protestants must increasingly learn to live with this fact. The Roman church is now a powerful political force in the life of the nation. Its effort to get Federal aid for parochial schools has made many Protestant leaders fearful of this increased power. The doctrine of the separation of church and state has accordingly become a live issue that 50 or 100 years ago, when Protestantism had no competitors on the American scene, was nonexistent, or relatively unimportant.

Likewise Jewish culture has assumed an increasingly important part in American life. For one thing, Hitler’s persecution stirred the Jewish people everywhere to a renewed religious-cultural consciousness that, among other things, brought into being the new state of Israel. The establishment of this national Jewish state has had the active support of thousands of Jews in America. In this resurgence of religious-cultural consciousness, the Jewish people are investing vast sums to educate their youth in the Jewish religion, a revival of Judaism that is being felt in America, too. At inter-faith gatherings here, our Protestant Christian heritage must frequently be adjusted to avoid offending the Jewish faith. Bible readings, for example, must be selected from the Old Testament, and prayer must not be offered in Jesus’ name. And we are pressured to have an open Sabbath in deference to the Jews, who observe Saturday rather than Sunday.

These facts reveal the pluralistic state of our society, for which our founding fathers provided, but with which we have not had to cope seriously until the present time. This development, of course, comes at the expense of Protestantism, which through the years had enjoyed a preferred religious position in America. Whether this status was good or bad is another question. The fact is that Protestantism seemed unaware of what was happening. No longer is old-line American Protestantism in a position to guide the spiritual life of the nation as before. We have reached the place in our national life where many of our theories must be adapted to the practical outworkings of life. To do this is a new experience for us both as Protestants and as Americans and is part of the tension now operative in our approach to the problem of separation of church and state.

Secularism is another element in American life that cannot be overlooked. Many persons either do not believe in God at all, or have so diluted any concept of him as to make him virtually nonexistent. Many young people are being reared in a new kind of faith that makes God quite irrelevant to life. Because of this changing status of religious life in America there has come increased pressure to define what we mean by the separation of church and state, and by religious freedom. For the first time since its founding as a nation, America is being brought face to face seriously with the demands of a pluralistic society.

In a 1952 decision of the Supreme Court, Justice William O. Douglas said, “We are a religious people and our institutions presuppose a Supreme Being.” These words contrast tellingly with the words of Justice Sutherland in an earlier decision of 1931 which refers to us as “a Christian people.” In the 21-year interval between 1931 and 1952 we moved from designation as “Christian” to simply “religious” people. It is doubtful whether we can ever again recapture the former identity. It is conceivable that in the not too distant future we shall even drop the term “religious” in reference to ourselves. If religious faith is to prevail in our pluralistic society, it must center increasingly around the life of our churches. Perhaps this is as it should be. Louis Cassels, United Press religion correspondent, concluded a recent column titled “A Look Past the Prayer Decision” by saying:

The Supreme Court ruling means that Protestant parents must now face up to reality. And the reality is that the average Protestant child is not receiving much religious education. Even if he attends Sunday School faithfully he gets only about 25 hours of solid instruction a year.

Some Protestants have reacted to the ruling by denouncing the Supreme Court and talking about a constitutional amendment to permit the public school religious exercises which parents have found so comforting.

Others, however, are already looking beyond this kind of emotional response to see what constructive steps the Protestant churches can take to provide children with the kind of religious-oriented educational experience which is now quite obviously ruled out of the public schools.

One thing is obvious. Recognizing what has taken place in the American scene, we must go on to meet further challenges that will confront us as we try to define what our founding fathers meant by the separation of church and state.

Preacher in the Red

NO RETURN ADDRESS NECESSARY

I was a minister of one of England’s great old Methodist churches, a splendid edifice dating back to Wesley’s time. Extensive renovation and restoration had been done and I invited an earlier famous and beloved pastor to share in the dedication services.

Seated by his side on the platform I said to him enthusiastically: “Beautiful isn’t it? You see how we have done out the front of the gallery in simple white and gold, replacing that hideous multi-colored blotch of a frieze—that gaudy, tasteless, inartistic abomination unto the Lord. Do you remember it?”

“Yes I do,” he replied. “I put it there twenty years ago.”—THE REV. T. L. BARLOW WESTERDALE, “Camelot,” 12, Cheriton Road, Winchester, England.

Full Tables or Full Lives?

Many years ago, as the wise men of Jerusalem observed the flow of life in and out of their city gates, as they listened to the daily petty disputes of the common people, and as they considered their own experience as part of the panorama of life, they coined a wise proverb, which is found in Proverbs 15:17: “Better is a dinner of herbs where love is, than a stalled ox and hatred therewith.” They recognized that a humble meal with love was far better than a fatted calf with hatred.

As we anticipate the bounteous dinners which will grace our tables on Thanksgiving Day, we shall do well to heed the message of this proverb. As we enjoy the fruits of our labors, we will be wise to remember that more exists to life than an abundance of food and clothing and to guard lest we become self-satisfied.

The undeniable truth of this proverb is illustrated in two episodes of history.

The first such incident occurred in ancient Egypt during the reign of the Pharaohs. In order to construct a memorial to their national greatness, the Egyptians had enslaved a colony of Hebrews, forcing them to toil many hours daily. Despite the persecution, the colony continued to multiply and threatened the numerical supremacy of its masters. These ordered the death of all male children at birth.

One family tried to protect its infant son. By chance the baby was discovered by the princess, who raised him as her own son in the palace of the Pharaoh. Thus the boy grew up a prince and shared in all the splendid advantages of the Egyptian court—its education, its regal dress, its bountiful delicacies. Gradually, however, the prince’s heart was stirred by a deep sense of injustice at the slavery of his people, their overwork and their poor diet. Eventually, God used Moses to become the deliverer of his people and to lead them out of Egypt into Canaan. Summarizing his life, the epistle to the Hebrews notes,

By faith, Moses, when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter; choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; esteeming the reproaches of Christ greater riches than the treasures in Egypt.

May this be the clue to solving some of the social issues of our day? Are we, like Moses, unafraid to make the personal sacrifice of giving ourselves to a needy humanity? Christians must earnestly seek to know, to understand, and to love the downtrodden people of the world. We must give a practical demonstration that “better is a dinner of herbs where love is, than a stalled ox and hatred therewith.”

A palace is the setting for another episode. In the days of the Babylonian empire, the finest young men of Judah were selected for government service. Part of their training included dining at the king’s table, enjoying the king’s meat and the wine which he drank. For many youths this was a great honor, but four young Hebrews knew that the fulfillment of this requirement meant religious defilement. The Bible says, “Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king’s meat, nor with the wine which he drank.” He and his friends cherished their purity and personal integrity; they would not sacrifice it by eating at the king’s table. They believed that a dinner of pulse and water with moral purity was better than meat and wine with moral compromise.

In the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus asked one of the most profoundly simple questions of his ministry—simple because its answer is obvious, profound because its practical implications are so far-reaching. Addressing the disciples, Jesus asked, “Is not life more than meat, and the body more than raiment?”

What more obvious question could Jesus have asked? Anyone can compile a list of things which he values as highly as meat and raiment—such things as health, friendship, integrity, and a vital faith. But scores of people live as if food and clothing were all there is.

As we give thanks this year, let us earnestly consider what our bounteous dinners have cost us. To enjoy them, did we tolerate social injustice and exploitation? Did we have to sacrifice our moral purity on the altar of expedience? Does our conscience smart because of failure to stand for what is true? If we have full tables and full lives, then we can be thankful indeed.

END

Liberal Social Ethics: Confronting the Four Horsemen

Outlined against a blue-gray October sky, the Four Horsemen rode again. In dramatic lore they are known as Famine, Pestilence, Destruction and Death. They are only aliases. Their real names are Stuhldreher, Miller, Crowley and Layden. They formed the crest of the South Bend cycle.” So wrote Grantland Rice in 1924 as the Army football team fell before the magnificently balanced backfield of Notre Dame. But though it was the age of athletic giants and the peaceful decade of the 1920s, even the most optimistic of liberal Protestant preachers doubtless found this memorable identification of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse somewhat confining, albeit Albrecht Dürer’s terrifying portrayal may have seemed rather pessimistic for the day. For the liberal social gospel was then confronting the Four Horsemen—in their twentieth-century manifestations—on several fronts, and its chief mouthpiece was The Christian Century (see Donald B. Meyer, The Protestant Search for Political Realism, 1919–1941 [University of California Press, 1960], pp. 44, 53 f.; Robert Moats Miller, American Protestantism and Social Issues, 1919–1939 [The University of North Carolina Press, 1958], p. 39; and The Christian Century, Oct. 5, 1938, p. 1187). They were moving together toward the victorious crest of 1928 when the social gospel appeared to be carrying all before its onward surge. It fought not with ancient weapons of biblical Christianity but with shining new ones forged in the twentieth-century crucible of liberal optimism, which proclaimed for all who would hear that man was inherently good, that his evolution could be assisted through environmental improvement. So pass good laws—and legislate the Kingdom into history!

Weapons Of The Social Gospel

Against the white horse of conquest and the red horse of war, the supreme Christian Century weapon was the outlawry of war, which was confidently legislated by the 1928 Pact of Paris, also called the Kellogg-Briand Pact (see earlier essays in this CHRISTIANITY TODAY series: Jan. 5, 19, Feb. 2 issues). For who then could see the long shadows of white and red horses moving toward Manchuria, object of Japanese aggression in 1931? (And onward to Ethiopia, Spain, China, Finland, Poland, Pearl Harbor, Hiroshima, Korea, Algeria, Laos, Vietnam, Cuba …?)

If optimistic passage of a law was deemed appropriate to halt conquest and war, optimistic defense of the National Prohibition Act was the chosen weapon against the black horse of famine, which seemed to be running on a muddy track in the America of the 1920s. Its chief threat was singled out as the poverty and waste resulting from drunkenness, so prohibition was given priority over welfare state legislation. Rising to its defense, the social gospel rallied forces to contribute to a smashing 1928 election victory over the law’s opponents represented in the challenge of Al Smith. Unforeseen was the 1932 election reversal which brought repeal in 1933. Also unanticipated was the 1929 stock market crash which was to plunge the nation into a critical depression.

And what of the ultimate enemies reflected in the pale horse of death followed by Hades? Fighting was not as strenuous and unremitting on this front. Theological answers to ultimate questions, evangelistic and missionary quest for lost souls—these became a secondary theater of the conflict. Social gospel and Christian Century energies were primarily absorbed by political matters, true to American activist traditions. Al Smith’s religion did raise certain theological questions related to the issue of political freedom. And the 1928 Jerusalem Conference on missions was hailed by the Century for what it saw as a great thrust forward for modernism from positions held at the Edinburgh Conference of 1910. But the tall shadow of Karl Barth, who would wreak such havoc upon the liberal gospel, had not yet fallen across the English-speaking world. This would take place with telling effect in the 1930s. Der Römerbrief, published in 1918, would not be translated into English until 1933 (religious publishing houses being dominated by modernist advisors).

And the challenge to the liberal social gospel by American neoorthodoxy embodied preeminently in Reinhold Niebuhr was yet to come. The pessimism of Niebuhr’s first book, published in 1927—Does Civilization Need Religion?—still lay safely within social gospel presuppositions. But he came to emphasize the extent to which the social gospel identified Christianity with the religion of social progress, and as early as 1932 he wrote sharply of its limitations. He criticized its prophet, Walter Rauschenbusch, as partaking of the liberal illusions concerning the possibility of constructing a new society through education and moral persuasion apart from class struggle. The Great Depression had struck, giving Niebuhr a receptive audience for his castigations of the social gospel for its identification of Christianity with mild socialism and less mild pacifism encased in an overall utopianism. In the thirties The Christian Century, among others, would hear much on man’s sinfulness and God’s transcendence, as Niebuhr moved to the right in theology and to the left in politics. Early in that period, he was pessimistically entertaining the possibility that American middle-class culture, at its zenith in 1929, would have fallen into full decay by 1950. He became in effect a fifth horseman to harry the social gospel which found in him its supreme critic. (For those readers whose sense of imagery is persistent: the color of Niebuhr’s horse is not known; his dialectic mounts a mottled steed.)

Donald Meyer’s portrayal of social gospel pastors is significant:

“For most of them, deliberate, systematic attention to politics and questions of social organization was their primary professional occupation, precisely as men of religion. They thought of their interest, in fact, as the heart of their religious evangel, as a ‘gospel,’ the social gospel.” “The social gospel could be regarded as, in a sense, reform with a Protestant gloss, the gloss interesting but inessential.”

“… For The Christian Century, the social gospel was in itself close to being the heart of the total evangel.… Discussions of theology appeared now and then, but the Century’s speciality was not critical and systematic. Rather it was unremitting attention to Protestantism’s place in the national culture, and in fact to Protestantism as culture and as the national culture.” “Ably, often enough brilliantly, edited, the Century was a voice incomparably more broadcast, though not necessarily more penetrating, than any other social-gospel organ. Aside from the liberal seminaries, there was probably no agency more responsible for keeping the passion vital in the ranks of the ministry” (op. cit., pp. 1 f., 53 f.).

If the glory year of 1928 appeared to be bringing in the Kingdom by means of the social gospel’s pacific arms, the tragic four years immediately following witnessed a decline and fall of stunning swiftness. Deafening was the discord between liberal optimism and those apocalyptic days. The Century optimism which had in 1911 seen the “near approach” of “inevitable” “universal peace” (Apr. 6, p. 2) had survived the World War. (With more Augustinian fervor than Augustinian insight, Chicago had been described as “a great city of God” [Mar. 24, 1910, p. 11].) The 1928 Kellogg-Briand Pact triumph in August led onward to November’s Hoover landslide at the polls, an election the Century considered, over Niebuhr’s objections (Sept. 13, pp. 1107 f.), a “referendum on prohibition” (Sept. 6, p. 1068; Nov. 15, p. 1388).

To be sure, this was not the only issue of the campaign. Two others were also considered paramount—world peace and Roman Catholicism—and on all three Hoover was to be preferred, though this preference had not come easily for the Century. Hoover had made “strong utterances” on the Kellogg Pact while Smith evidenced “no intelligent understanding” of the outlawry of war. The Roman Catholic issue was regarded as a legitimate one, while the issue of liberal welfare legislation was not paramount—“Both parties are conservative …” (Nov. 1, pp. 1315–1318). But Smith had “chosen” prohibition as the decisive “battle ground,” and the Century chose “for Sahara” over Smith (Sept. 13, pp. 1098 f.).

“The Christian Century believes that the adoption of the eighteenth amendment was the most signal and significant project of self-discipline which a democracy ever undertook. We believe that it was not only a ‘noble experiment,’ as Mr. Hoover describes it, but that it was socially and economically exigent” (Nov. 1, p. 1317).

Prohibition, Part Of The Creed

Prohibition, the journal maintained, was also a religious issue even as Roman Catholicism. The conviction that the traffic in liquor for beverage purposes was “inherently and unqualifiedly evil” had been formed as “a part of the living creed of the churches.” The social gospel priority of politics over theology stood revealed without apology:

“It is a profound and intense moral conviction, a more vital article in the real creed of effective American Protestantism than the belief in the virgin birth of Christ. It was the Church’s legitimate activity in politics that brought the prohibition principle up to the level where industry and commerce united with religion to enact it into law.… Prohibition has come to be a part of the orthodoxy of churches” (Oct. 18, p. 1252).

The election was expected to be very close (Sept. 13, p. 1098), but the liberal optimism held: “We cannot turn back. We expect to witness the annihilation of the liquor traffic in America.” And this, despite “the wet press” with its “present seditious policy of stimulating the law’s violation” (Nov. 1, p. 1318). However, win or lose, no realistic political observer “can now dimly foresee the coming of the day when it will be possible to undo the 18th amendment” (Oct. 11, p. 1220). Hoover’s victory was seen as a great victory for prohibition, the “clearest” issue of the campaign. A Protestant crusade had been won (Nov. 15, pp. 1387 f.).

Century idolizing of prohibition was no new thing. After the 1916 election of Wilson over Hughes, the journal had declared that dry victories in that election had been more significant than the choice of a President (Nov. 16, p. 6). The next year the future of civilization was said to be dependent on the prohibition issue (Dec. 13, p. 8), and in 1919 Wilson was attacked for “unsoundness of conviction” on the matter, a “mortal offense” (May 29, p. 6). After the eighteenth amendment was adopted, assurance was given that it would never be “unwritten” (Nov. 19, 1925, p. 1434).

Thus in 1933 an editorial titled “This Is Armageddon!” comes as no surprise upon the occasion of Congressional submission of the repeal amendment to the states (Mar. 1, pp. 279–281). Response to repeal was: “We shall have to begin anew.” Prohibition through constitutional amendment was said to have been a mistake. Congressional regulation or prohibition was now preferred (Aug. 2, 1933, pp. 974 f.).

But the issue receded from the Century’s pages. In 1958 it noted, “Obviously prohibition, national or even statewide, is not a live issue now.” Prohibition proponents prior to repeal had, in concentrating on enforcement, “neglected their mission of public education.” “Prohibition failed. Now repeal has failed. The churches have failed; but we are not permitted to quit caring or to stop trying” (Dec. 10, p. 1420). But Century silence on the issue was the rule rather than the exception. Thirty years after repeal, the Virgin Birth remained considerably more a live issue for most American Protestantism than prohibition, the Century’s social gospel “creed” of the twenties notwithstanding.

Al Smith’S Religion

As has been noted, the Century saw prohibition as such an overriding issue as to make the 1928 election a referendum on prohibition. It was thus described in September and also in November both before and after the election. But earlier, in July, the journal had stated its conviction that Smith’s “membership in the Catholic church will be by far the most powerful single factor operating to influence the casting of votes” (July 12, p. 875). Later, Smith himself was seen narrowing the campaign down to the issue of prohibition.

“To say that this fight is really a fight against Mr. Smith’s Catholicism is to distort the facts. Had the democrats nominated Senator Walsh of Montana, there would have been no revolt in the south. Neither would large groups of protestants in other parts of the country have come to regard this campaign as a moral crisis. Yet Senator Walsh is a Catholic” (Aug. 30, p. 1040; see Sept 6., p. 1068).

(Said Reinhold Niebuhr: “It is idle … to make sweeping generalizations about the phenomenon of protestant opposition to Gov. Smith” [Sept. 13, p. 1107].)

The Century took strong exception to what it called “the browbeating tactics of Governor Smith and the Catholic-cowed press … which has accepted Smith’s Oklahoma City speech as an annihilation of the religious issue.… Those who make an issue of his Catholicism are bigots, says Mr. Smith.” The northern press, especially in big cities, was described as “tied hand and foot with Roman Catholic patronage.” In defending the propriety of discussing the religious issue, the Century declared:

“If a voter … holds that the system as projected by our Protestant-minded, Anglo-Saxon fathers is a better system than that with which a medieval church, dominated by a Latin mentality and controlled by a foreign oligarchy would displace it, why should he be stigmatized as a bigot because he refuses to jeopardize the social order in which he does believe by encouraging with his ballot the forces which desire to bring about the kind of a social order in which he does not believe? The whole appeal rests upon a perversion of democracy.”

“Does [the Catholic church] … exercise pressure upon its members to secure their support of [its] … policies?… Every organization exercises some degree of pressure upon its members, and that pressure is potent in proportion to the centralization of its authority, the compactness of its organization, and the sanctity which its members ascribe to it” (Oct. 11, p. 1219).

Just before the election, the Century seemed to be erecting a shield against any unearned charges of religious bigotry when it proclaimed the issue to be political and not religious because “Roman Catholicism is both a form of worship and a form of government.”

“Catholicism as a form of government comes into clash with American institutions in several definite areas of conflict such as marriage, education, and property, in addition to its clash with the fundamental principle of the relation of church and state.

“The Catholic question is not in reality a religious question at all. It is a political question—as much … as socialism is a political question.… The Christian Century has nowhere taken the position that the Catholic issue should alone be decisive of a citizen’s vote. No issue is absolute. It is qualified by other issues” (Nov. 1, p. 1317).

After the election the Century found no evidence that those who had voted solely on the Catholic issue were “sufficiently numerous to determine the electoral vote of any state” (Nov. 15, p. 1388).

The Century had also opposed Smith during his losing bid for the Democratic nomination in 1924.

“… Not every person who is constitutionally qualified is fit for office.” “Dean Inge puts it rather sharply when … he says: ‘No Catholic is more than conditionally a patriot.’ We would not like to phrase it so cuttingly.” “… Catholicism is fundamentally and constitutionally intolerant. Protestant tolerance and true American tolerance require that even the intolerant should be tolerated, but not necessarily that the intolerant should be placed at the head of the government (July 10, pp. 878 f.).

Just after Charles Clayton Morrison “refounded” the Century in 1908, the journal noted that William Howard Taft’s election to the presidency had come without any serious opposition being raised by the fact that he was a Unitarian. But had he been a Catholic, opposition would have been “justified” because of the papal theory of subordination of state to church. In any case, Catholic candidates “equally qualified in character and independent intelligence” with Protestant candidates would be “pretty hard to find!” (Nov. 21, p. 4).

In 1932 the Century believed that New York Governor Franklin Roosevelt’s bid for the Democratic nomination involved “the religious issue almost if not altogether as “inescapably” as Smith’s candidacy, due to Roosevelt’s “weak subservience” to the power of the Catholic Church: “… The question of his Americanism is bound to be raised by those citizens who are intelligently determined to keep our democracy free from church control of its laws and institutions” (Apr. 20, pp. 502 f.).

Temporal Power Of The Vatican

Through the years the Century kept up a running critique of Roman Catholicism not on theological grounds but on the issues of church-state relations and political freedom and morality. “… There is no first-rate nation in the world in which Catholicism is the established religion” (Oct. 25, 1917, p. 5). Much of the criticism was directed at the Vatican, which represented the ecclesiastical temporal power so strongly opposed by the Century. Near the end of World War I, the journal spoke of the pope’s “outward neutrality,” but observed that “his peace overtures have come at times which favored German plans” (Aug. 22, 1918, p. 4). During World War II an editorial entitled “Behind the Pope’s Peace Plea” reflected a similar mood:

“Pope Pius XII has at last decided that the United Nations are destined to win the Second World War.… He delivered a stinging rebuke to Hitler and his followers, although he still cautiously refrained from using names.”

“… The papacy has its own ends to serve. That these ends are primarily and solely concerned with peace only those can believe who never heard of General Franco or the Spanish war, who are ignorant of the concordats with Mussolini, Dolfuss and Hitler and who know nothing of clericalism in European history” (Sept. 15, 1943, pp. 1031, 1033).

Here in effect the social gospel was confronting the white horse of conquest, a new Roman imperialism now in religio-political form. At war’s end, Rome was seen probing “every fissure in the political and social structure in the interest of clerical power” (Aug. 22, 1945, p. 953). The Catholic Church “is definitely an obstacle to the democratization of Italy.” “The Vatican has never been the friend of democracy anywhere” (Mar. 28, 1945, p. 390). On the other hand, fascism “has historically proved itself to be compatible with Catholicism” (Dec. 22, 1943, p. 1497). Century readers were kept abreast of Catholic persecution of Protestants in places like Spain and Colombia. The coronation of Pope John XXIII in 1958 prompted the Century to repeat its 1939 description of the coronation rubric—which included the words “Ruler of the world”—as “blasphemous arrogance” (Nov. 26, pp. 1357 f.).

Franklin Roosevelt’s appointment of Myron C. Taylor to the Vatican (“an illegal ambassador”) was vigorously denounced as an “executive usurpation” which struck at the root of the American system of separation of church and state (Mar. 13, 1940, p. 344; Jan. 10, pp. 38–40; Feb. 14, p. 209). Harry Truman’s attempts to send Taylor and Mark Clark to the Vatican likewise provoked strong opposition: “illicit intrigue between our state department and the Vatican”; “President Surrenders To the Pope”; “unconstitutional”; “political Romanism is a tremendous and dangerous power”; “the campaign [in America] to promote the political interests of the Roman Catholic Church never ceases” (Apr. 3, 1946, p. 422; Oct. 31, 1951, p. 1243; Dec. 19, 1951, p. 1455; Jan. 30, 1952, p. 119). The Vatican, it was indicated, was not honest enough to admit its identity as both political state and religious society (Jan. 23, 1952, p. 95).

Church-state separation is at issue in Century opposition to Roman Catholic desires for public tax funds for parochial schools. In this connection Protestants were called on in 1947 to “lift high the banner to which all lovers of religious liberty can now repair” (Feb. 26, p. 264). In 1961, confronted by Cardinal Spellman’s demand for public funds for parochial schools, the Century declared for Protestant non-payment of taxes for this purpose even if laws were passed requiring such taxes (Feb. 1, p. 132). The journal also pronounced low-interest government loans for parochial schools unconstitutional (Mar. 22, p. 381). The “shortsighted, indulged self-interest of the Roman Catholic hierarchy” was charged with killing Federal aid to public schools (Aug. 2, p. 924). The Roman church’s flexing of muscles “should remove all doubt that it is a political as well as a religious institution” (Apr. 5, p. 412).

At the time of the founding of Protestants and Other Americans United for Separation of Church and State in 1948, the Century defended its aims in opposition to the “vulgar epithets” of Roman Catholics (Feb. 18, p. 199).

Century grievances against the Roman church in America have been numerous and durable. It saw in 1924 a “menace” to American society in Catholic property holdings: “A dull and brutish power furnishes none of the makings of an intelligent and forward-looking society.” The Roman church “has never proved to be [a constructive social force] anywhere else, or at any other period of history, and it will not become such in our society, now or at any time in the future” (Oct. 9, p. 1927). In an editorial, “Who Killed Prohibition),” the Roman church’s opposition was listed as one of nine factors (Nov. 15, 1933, pp. 1430–1432). In calling for the outlawry of organized gambling, the Century noted that the Roman church “not only condones organized gambling, but actually conducts it to swell its own revenues”—an “indefensible position” (Mar. 21, 1951, p. 358). Inasmuch as the Century has said that “unplanned, uncontrolled population expansion may in the long run prove more of a threat to the American way of life than nuclear war” (Jan. 17, 1962, p. 78), its attitude toward Roman teaching on this subject is highly predictable. The church “errs in its teachings” (Aug. 17, 1960, p. 942), though hope is seen in that “all Roman Catholics today are not devotees of that fertility cult in the church that does most of the talking” (Oct. 1, 1958, p. 1100, italics theirs).

Senator John F. Kennedy’s presidential ambitions raised anew the religio-political questions of 1928. One acquainted with Century attitudes through the years might expect opposition to Kennedy’s candidacy. But it was not to be. However, the journal did raise the issue, asserting early in 1959: “Politically, ours is and must remain a secular state.” This was interpreted to mean not state adoption of a “secularistic creed,” but rather state neutrality respecting the rival claims of churches.

“The separation of church and state does not demand the separation of religion and politics, but it does require that church and state, the institutions of religion and politics, shall limit themselves or be limited to their own realms of freedom. This is pluralism.”

The fact that the Roman church hierarchy periodically challenges the pluralistic nature of the American political order “constitutes a serious liability to Catholic candidates for high office” (Mar. 4, pp. 252 f.). The Century did not like the Kennedy “capture” of the Democratic party at the Los Angeles convention (July 27, 1960, pp. 867 f.); it complained that both party conventions had “shunted aside” the best men, Adlai Stevenson and Nelson Rockefeller, for competent political manipulators (Aug. 10, p. 915).

1928 And 1960

As in 1928, the journal believed Catholicism to be a legitimate campaign issue, but held that one’s vote should not be decided on this issue alone (Oct. 26, p. 1236; June 22, p. 740). But while in 1928 it was one of three “paramount and decisive” issues, in 1960 it was not listed among “the major issues”—“international relations, foreign aid, civil rights, schools, defense, slums, depressed areas, agriculture, a worthy national purpose” (Sept. 28, p. 1109). The Century favored election of liberal congressmen to make possible “the enactment of humanitarian legislation” (Oct. 26, p. 1237). And Kennedy was known to be more liberal than his Republican opponent Richard M. Nixon.

On the religious issue, the journal seemed reassured by Kennedy’s pronouncements on church-state separation in a way that it had not been by Smith’s in 1928 (ibid., p. 1235; Sept. 28, p. 1109). There were more Roman Catholics now and ecumenical winds were blowing. In October, Century editor Harold E. Fey told the United Church Women of Greater Chicago that he had not yet decided between the two presidential candidates. And Charles Clayton Morrison, founder and for 40 years editor of the Century, turned to CHRISTIANITY TODAY for publication of an open letter to Kennedy which indicated that he, Morrison, was distinctly unsatisfied with the extent of the candidate’s statements on church and state.

Social Reconstruction Could Wait

Prohibition, Roman Catholicism, and world peace—these “immediate” issues in the 1928 election, affirmed the Century, pressed “so hard upon the liberal Christian intelligence” as to make them paramount and decisive. Thus they overrode the “important” long-time issue of fundamental economic and social reconstruction, though the journal was “impatient … to see it joined in our American political arena by the appearance of a genuine party of innovation.” Hoover’s “apologetic for private initiative and the competitive system” was “as fallacious as it is able” (Nov. 1, pp. 1315 f.). He was seen ranging himself “with the extreme conservatives” “on the tariff and on the economic order in general” (Aug. 23, p. 1016).

Reinhold Niebuhr spoke of a lack of “the measure of appreciation for Gov. Smith’s liberalism which one might expect from a liberal journal like The Christian Century.” He held up the need for “rebuking the whole reign of big business as exemplified in the republican [sic] rule of the past eight years.” Were the choice between only Smith and Hoover, he’d vote for Smith. As it was, “my vote will go to Norman Thomas” (Sept. 13, pp. 1107 f.). Responded the Century:

“If the use of the injunction in labor disputes, the development of superpower corporations, imperialism in the Caribbean, and similar questions were the only issues involved in this campaign The Christian Century might find itself in either the Smith or the Thomas camp. But anyone with any sense of political reality knows that these are not even major issues.” “If Governor Smith wins the presidency, he will win it, not as a progressive, but as a wet” (ibid. pp. 1098 f.).

Events on Wall Street a year hence would eventually transform economic and social reconstruction, rightly or wrongly, into a major issue for the Century. The black horse of famine would outride its identification with drunkenness to be darkly descried in the gloom of depression as the capitalistic system itself.

Review of Current Religious Thought: October 26, 1962

THE EXCITEMENT CREATED by the posthumously published work of Father Teilhard de Chardin continues unabated. As most readers know, the intense interest in this remarkable Catholic thinker began with the appearance of his book, The Phenomenon of Man. It was here that his views on the evolution of man were so brilliantly argued. In connection with his evolutionary thesis, Teilhard also revealed his vision of the future. All things, he insisted, work towards God as their great Omega. The end of creation and its evolution is God, who shall be all in all (1 Cor. 15:28).

In this last regard, many have wondered whether Teilhard did not underestimate the degenerative power of evil. But passionate disciples of his thought answered that Teilhard’s optimism was based not on nature, but on faith, a faith that refused to take the world’s rebuff against God as the final word. At least this is how Henri de Lubac interprets Teilhard (cf. de Lubac, The Religious Thought of Teilhard de Chardin, 1962).

Teilhard was never brought to an open break with the Roman Catholic faith, and he remained a faithful son within the Roman family until he died. He was born in 1881, taught for a long time at the Catholic Institute of Paris, and took part in several research expeditions in China and other parts of the world. His views on evolution were being talked about back in 1925, but fame waited until after he had died.

Teilhard fought hard against all forms of existentialism that threatened to take the meaning out of life. His views of the primitive past as well as his hope of the fulfilled future carried sharp polemics against existentialism’s message of despair and emptiness. A month before he died, he wrote, “I am more optimistic than ever,” and went on to speak of the presence of God in all the world, a presence whose purpose and power removes all bitterness and fills life with triumphant joy even in darkness.

But how does Teilhard now rate within the Roman Catholic Church? The Roman church has had a position against atheistic evolution for a long time. But times are changing, and Rome has been faced with strong insistence that the Catholic faith does not reject all forms of evolutionary theory. In the encyclical Humani Generis of 1950, Pope Pius XII gave the Catholic scientist freedom for research in the evolution of man as long as it was limited to man’s body. The Catholic had to believe in the immediate creation of the human soul. But within this dualism, all kinds of problems have arisen, and so-called Christian evolutionism has increasingly been in the center of dispute.

The discussion has just recently been given a new twist by the sharp criticism of Teilhard’s views issued from the Holy Office in Rome. This criticism charges Teilhard with “ambiguous expressions” and “serious errors” and gives earnest counsel to keep Teilhard’s books from immature eyes. One guesses that the Holy Office’s rebuke is not unrelated to the publication of Henri de Lubac’s very appreciative evaluation of Teilhard. For de Lubac is one of the prominent leaders in the Theologie Nouvelle, a movement which has been a constant thorn in the side of the Roman Catholic traditionalists and a knotty problem for the Pope. So Teilhard may become a large factor in the tensions that already exist between the more progressive and the more conservative wings of the church. The tension arises from differing ideas as to the posture the church should take vis-à-vis modern culture and modern science.

Clearly the case of Teilhard is symptomatic, however, of the situation in Protestant as well as Roman Catholic circles. The evolution question is high on the agenda of the on-going discussion concerning faith and science. And in today’s situation, the question of evolution has to do, not simply with unbelieving science in opposition to the Christian faith, but with a new and earnest look at the place of man within God’s creation. In this situation there is utmost need for clarity. No one may be permitted the luxury of quick negatives to serious questions. Those who say No must first pay the price of a deep and earnest consideration of the many new questions which devout Christian thinkers have conscientiously raised. Those who refuse to pay this price may manage to keep the problems from the inquiring minds of the younger generation, but they will do so with the disastrous result of alienating many from the leadership of the Church.

The problems are not the same nor are they raised in the same way as they were in Darwin’s time. Today, in Christian, evangelical circles the new study is being carried on, not in opposition to, but in the light of, the Bible. In this regard, it ought not to surprise anyone that new consideration is also being given to the problem of hermeneutics, and that specifically in reference to the creation story of Genesis 1. The new situation, in both Catholic and Protestant circles, calls for responsible reaction. On one side, we must take care that we do not fall blindly under the yoke of science as the unyielding master of our thinking. On the other hand, we must take care not to underestimate the results of scientific research, remembering the sad episodes of the past when the Church rejected the results of scientific studies with Bible texts in a way that only hurt the Church. I have the feeling that we have entered a new and important phase of the long process of science-faith interaction. This is apparent, I think, in the Roman Catholic Church’s response to Teilhard du Chardin as well as in the Humani Generis encyclical. Protestantism has no Holy Office to solve its problems—or to make them worse. But the same problems confront us. And it is of immense importance for us to see that the coming generation of leaders are honestly and respectably educated in the problems of faith and science. They will have to find the way of Christian faith in the world of today and tomorrow. Honesty and courage must be ours as we try to help them. And, if anywhere, then here, prayers must be offered in earnest for men of science. Veni Creator Spiritus!

Book Briefs: October 26, 1962

Man Is No Dualism

Man: The Image of God, by G. C. Berkouwer, translated by Dirk W. Jellema (Eerdmans, 1962, 376 pp., $6), is reviewed by Andrew K. Rule, Professor of Apologetics and Ethics, Emeritus, The Louisville Presbyterian Seminary, Louisville, Kentucky.

I have learned to await with impatience the appearance in English of the successive volumes of Berkouwer’s series of theological monographs. This one is the eighth in a projected nineteen volumes. I have read them all so far, and expect to read them all and to study them repeatedly. One is amazed at the wealth of scholarship which they severally display. In this volume, for example, more than 430 authors are dealt with, many of them recent or contemporary continental scholars, though past history and English-speaking writers are not neglected. They are used in a perfectly natural way to clarify by example or contrast Berkouwer’s own thought. He deals with them fairly, sees what seems to him to be of value in each, but keeps consistently to his own insights. And these insights are those of the Reformed faith, based on a loving, believing, scholarly study of the Scriptures. In this volume alone, passages from 26 Old Testament books and from 24 New Testament books are dealt with, and each is interpreted in the light of Scripture as a whole.

Berkouwer is concerned to emphasize two features of the biblical view of man which are frequently neglected. First, man is always regarded as a concrete reality in his relation to God, that relation being not added to, but constitutive of, his humanness. To present man in himself, in his essence, whether the relation to God is then added or not, is to deal with an abstraction. Second, the image of God is to be found in the whole man—not in a soul, the body being denigrated or excluded; not in conscience, regarded as the “voice of God”; nor in the rational mind. For this reason the title is not, as one usually sees it, “God’s Image in Man,” but “Man: The Image of God.” A duality between body and spirit is to be recognized, but not a dualism of two substances. The excellent discussion here might perhaps be improved by some consideration of the various senses in which the term “substance” has been employed, to lead to a clearer definition of the sense in which the author uses the term.

This emphasis on concreteness and wholeness is consistently maintained as the author considers such relevant matters as the immortality of the soul, creationism, traducianism, and freedom. In each case various views are approved or rejected, as scriptural or unscriptural, according as they do or do not do justice to the whole man in his concrete relationship to God, to his fellows, and to creation as a whole. For this reason freedom must mean, not a power of contrary choice inherent in the will of natural man, but that freedom which man lost but receives again in redemption, to choose the will of God. The antithesis of creationism and traducianism is a false one, because each view rests on a dualism between body and soul. The immortality of the soul as an inherent, natural characteristic of man is to be rejected in favor of eternal life for the whole man in Christ Jesus.

In this, and in the other volumes of this series, one finds both a sound presentation of scriptural teaching and a very valuable survey of contemporary continental thought.

ANDREW K. RULE

Watch For Blurs

The Reformation: A Rediscovery of Grace, by William Childs Robinson (Eerdmans, 1962, 208 pp., $5), is reviewed by W. Stanford Reid, Professor of History, McGill University, Montreal, Canada.

Believing that the teachings of the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century still have contemporary relevance, Professor Robinson of Columbia Theological Seminary presents this book. His principal reason for doing so is that in the present “ecumenical era” the desire of some churchmen to bring about a great Protestant and Roman Catholic amalgamation cannot but lead to the blurring of theological lines. Therefore, in strong contrast to much present doctrinal indefiniteness, he has tried to state in clear-cut terms those things which the Reformers held most dear.

Professor Robinson endeavors, without apology, to explain what the Reformers taught. He does not attempt an all-inclusive systematic presentation, although individual chapters do follow a systematic plan. Because of their original character as lectures, some of the chapters overlap. In his first chapter he deals with “The Slogans of Grace,” such as sola gratia and solo Christo. He then turns to an evaluation of the significance of the Reformation as “The Rediscovery of God.” Chapter three is devoted to “The Gospel of the Reformation,” where he discusses the threefold mediatorial office of Christ. This leads next to a discussion of justification by faith, which is followed by a chapter on Calvin as a theologian. Chapter six is concerned with “The Preached Word”; the final chapter discusses “The Evangelical Church.” Thus he endeavors in a popular vein to touch upon the highlights of the Reformation.

In order to make clear the relevancy of Reformation teaching, the author quotes copiously from many modern theologians, thus demonstrating that the theological problems dealt with by the Reformers are anything but outmoded. In this way Professor Robinson has provided a valuable service to Christian people.

This reviewer, however, is somewhat disappointed that the author fails at times to state his position more incisively. In the light of Barth’s and Bultmann’s views of revelation, his discussion of Christ’s work as prophet leaves much to be desired. Had he followed a more systematic approach he might at times have made his position clearer. One may also take exception to some of his interpretations of the Reformers. The reviewer must call in question, for instance, his view that “Calvin interprets Scripture by no one organizing principle,” for this reviewer believes that the sovereignty of God’s grace in Christ Jesus dominates Calvin’s whole point of view.

The reviewer also feels that at times the unwary reader may be misled by quotations from, or references to, modern theologians who, in Professor Robinson’s hands, come to agree with Calvin’s views. At times one may receive the impression that Barth and Calvin agree on the doctrine of election, on the illumination of the Spirit, and on the relation of justification and sanctification, points which are, to say the least, debatable. Similarly, Bultmann’s view that God “makes Himself known to us in the preaching of His Word,” while sounding like many of the Reformers’ statements, surely holds a very different meaning—something which Professor Robinson might have pointed out. One may feel also that Robinson might have used to better advantage some of the nineteenth-and twentieth-century classical upholders of Reformation views, such as Hodge, Warfield, Kuiper, Bavinck, and Machen.

Despite these criticisms, the reviewer feels that it is good that Professor Robinson endeavored to set forth the testimony of the Reformation. While the book must be read with discrimination, it should indeed make us see once again that the Reformers are clearly our contemporaries dealing with our problems.

W. STANFORD REID

No Dodger

Sin, by Marc Oraison and others (Macmillan, 1962, 177 pp., $4.50), is reviewed by Georges A. Barrois, Professor of the History and Theology of the Medieval Church, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey.

This symposium on the Roman Catholic doctrine of sin was first published in French in 1959. It was written for the general public. We are happy to say that it is not one of those pieces of cheap vulgarization which do more harm than good by dodging real issues and by offering illusory solutions to insoluble problems. Protestant readers (I suppose these will be chiefly seminarians and clergymen) will have to give up the rash judgments so frequently heard: (1) that Roman Catholic theology does not take sin seriously; (2) that Roman theologians are hopelessly entangled in an obsolete scholasticism; and (3) that their teaching on sin is irremediably tied up with the ethics of a low-grade casuistry.

Marc Oraison, a French priest and psychiatrist, analyzes the fact of sin in the complex psychological setup of modern man, and Henri Niel, a Jesuit, scrutinizes the limits of moral responsibility, both individual and collective, in the light of modern research in depth psychology. It is obvious that all this is of prime importance for a working program of education, with emphasis on the positive, constructive aspects, within the framework of Christian belief.

The remaining essays are concerned with general theological perspective. François Coudreau, a Sulpician, studies the impact of sinfulness, a distortion and would-be negation, on God’s creation, and how creation involves the three divine persons. He is formal in stating that there can be no correct understanding of man’s salvation short of a trinitarian catechesis. Consequently, the modalities of salvation thus understood are examined by J. de Baciocchi, a Marist, who, like Coudreau, stresses the saving value of the glorification of Christ; this is a theme often overlooked in Western theologies, which unconsciously terminate the saving works of Jesus at the moment he died on the Cross.

The last essay, by the German philosopher Gustav Siewerth, ambitiously deals with the problem of original sin. It is a fluent and lucid presentation, and only informed theologians will realize the underground foundations on which the author has built. He is probably right in believing that unilateral views on original sin lead nowhere, or lead to false conclusions. His attempts at solving the problem in its fullness, however, labor under a twofold ambiguity. Original sin, as defined by Siewerth, consists in the fact that man, who cannot be fully human except in connection with God, lives from the day of his birth as if this connection did not exist. Quite so, but why call this necessary connection between man and his Creator a “grace”? If so, creation also is “grace,” but is this not stretching too far the meaning of the words? Furthermore, who is that man of whom Siewerth speaks? Is he “this man Adam”? Or is he every one of us, Jedermann? Every discussion of the nature of original sin seems futile, as long as this ambiguity is not removed. Medieval Augustinism could somehow overlook this difficulty, because its speculation moved on a supra-historical level, where the ultimate reality was that of the “Universal.” But modern theology does not work any more on the presuppositions of medieval realism. Today the Magisterium does not countenance the theory that Adam is Jedermann, and the decrees of the Pontifical Biblical Commission on the “historicity” of the first three chapters of Genesis were upheld by the encyclical Humani Generis in 1950. Now there seems to be a contradiction between the mythical interpretation of Adam as Jedermann and the “historical” recording of the creation and fall of the father of the race—or are we overstating the case? At any rate, we are not certain that Siewerth reconciles successfully the mythical and the historical; moreover we feel that no amount of dialectical balancing would suffice, either, in order to solve a problem which we had better leave open.

GEORGES A. BARROIS

Winds Of Thaw

The Council, Reform and Reunion, by Hans Küng (Sheed & Ward, 1962, 208 pp., $3.95); Progress and Perspectives, by Gregory Baum, O.S.A. (Sheed & Ward, 1962, 245 pp., $3.95); and The Vatican Council and All Christians, by Claud D. Nelson (Association, 1962, 126 pp., $3), are reviewed by James Daane, Editorial Associate, CHRISTIANITY TODAY.

Soft thawing winds are blowing through Protestant-Roman Catholic relations. Whence do they come? From both ecumenical Protestant and Roman Catholic sources. So far as the literature is concerned, the sources seem predominantly Roman Catholic. I know of no Protestant books of comparable irenic spirit and depth of concern as those of Küng and Baum. Whether do they blow? Though they are effecting a thaw in the long war of cool silence so that Protestants and Roman Catholics are speaking to each other again—the least Christians ought to do under any circumstances—the summer of unity in the bond of peace is regarded by neither side as imminent.

While the stream of Protestant books decrying Roman Catholicism continues unabated, Roman Catholics such as Küng (a Swiss) and Baum (a Jew) are “suddenly” acknowledging Protestant believers in Jesus Christ as saved but separated brethren who as one with them in Christ ought be one with them in the visible Church. Both breathe the sweet air of charity; both candidly admit Roman Catholic weaknesses, sins, and errors, and as frankly point to those in Protestantism. Both also admit that both Protestantism and Catholicism must be purged, reformed, and renewed if a far-off reunion is ever to be achieved; yet both place the primary emphasis on the renewal that must occur by the Spirit of God within the Roman church itself, and regard it as the indispensable prerequisite of reunion.

Most Protestants, even some of the clergy, know little about Roman Catholicism. Few have an adequate knowledge of that reformation of the Catholic Church which followed the Protestant Reformation. Protestants will find both Küng’s and Baum’s books highly informative, heartwarming, and such as leave a dull aching for a reunion that is as necessary as it is seemingly improbable—at least for a long, long time.

Henry P. Van Dusen has said that he is so happily pleased with Küng’s book that he would very much like to know Pope John XXIII’s reaction to it. Many another Protestant reader of books such as Küng’s and Baum’s will find himself asking the same question, for there is an undeniable change of spirit in many prominent Roman Catholics toward Protestantism. Even Martin Luther is receiving a much more objective and closer-to-the-truth appraisal than in the past.

Yet while Protestants ought to be thankful and of new hope, they ought not to become sentimental—a danger especially great among Protestants of small and vague doctrinal, positional commitment. Men such as Küng and Baum are hardheaded and realistic, and without intent to surrender what they hold to be truth. And the surprise which Protestant readers may share with Van Dusen at the explicit and outspoken assertion of such men as Küng and Baum that there is no hope for reunion except there be a renewal of the Roman church, ought to be a tempered surprise.

Protestants should recognize that the Roman Catholic insistence that reunion waits upon a renewal of the Roman church and a purifying movement of the Holy Spirit within it, rather than upon such occurrences within Protestantism, is not an unspoken admission that Catholicism rather than Protestantism needs a major overhaul. Speaking from within their theological conviction that the Roman church is the only Church, they can hardly allow that the spiritual renewal and reformation prerequisite to possible reunion could arise outside of their church. To assert that the power and spiritual resources needed to effect the necessary revitalization and reforming of the Church must occur within Protestantism would be a concession that the Church is located in Protestantism rather than in Catholicism. Van Dusen’s surprise, which we may share with him, should attach rather to the fact that Roman Catholics are speaking about the required renewal, than to their saying that it must occur within the Roman church.

The Vatican Council and All Christians is a helpful aid to all who desire to know something of the terminology and the internal organizational machinery of the Roman church in order to follow intelligently the events of the Second Vatican Council as the Roman Catholic Church seeks to renew its spiritual life and remarshal its energies.

JAMES DAANE

Creeds And Unity

Creeds and Confessions, by Erik Routley (Duckworth, 1962, 159 pp., 15s.), is reviewed by G. E. Duffield, Member of the National Assembly of The Church of England.

Seven of this book’s ten chapters expound briefly but competently the classical 16th and 17th century Confessions of Faith. The author regards Confessions unsympathetically; in one place he even suggests hymns are a better basis for belief today (p. 145). Confessions are in constant danger of petrifying and restricting growth, he says, but we have to ask whether the growth is really growth or deviation. On page 133 he instances the appearance of a monastery in the Reformed Church at Taizé and the use of the Romish service of benediction in some Anglican churches. Both are deviations, without biblical warrant. Confessions can petrify, of course, but no one would object to changing them if it were clearly shown they are unscriptural.

Dr. Routley pinpoints episcopacy as the center of the modern debate, but fails to appreciate the reason. The present position is eloquent in expressing the almost total eclipse of Protestant thought in ecumenical circles and the domination there by Roman Catholics.

The author’s gathered church outlook prevents his appreciating the position of the national churches in England, Scotland, and Scandinavia. The question of Roman Catholic domination in WCC circles has been made more acute by the admission of the Orthodox. If evangelicals do not wish to be swamped they will have to reassert vigorously the need for a Confessional basis for unity, while possessing a clear recognition of the secondary matters on which disagreement is legitimate.

G. E. DUFFIELD

Murder Of Innocents?

Nuclear Weapons: A Catholic Response, edited by Walter Stein (Sheed & Ward, 1962, 151 pp., $3.50), is reviewed by William K. Harrison, Lt. Gen., United States Army (Retired).

On biblical grounds the Roman Catholic English authors are not pacifists: they recognize the right of a nation to defend itself against aggression even though innocent noncombatants may be killed during attack on a legitimate military target. On other biblical grounds (prohibition of murder) the book, as its major thesis, condemns the possession or use of nuclear weapons because their possession implies the intent to use them, and their use constitutes mass murder of innocent noncombatants. The writers also claim that nuclear weapons are not capable of providing security or effective defense. They advocate unilateral disarmament and confinement of resistance against aggression to nonviolent means. They obviously hope for support for their position by some future unequivocal official pronouncement by the Pope.

The great mass of an aggressor nation, it should be urged, is not innocent, because the ruler cannot govern, raise, or use military forces apart from its acquiescence. This responsibility of the individual citizen is illustrated by the authors in their advocacy of determined public opposition to nuclear armaments. A guilty national will is the prelude to the launching of aggression. Formerly, unnecessary killing of guilty noncombatants could be avoided because with the defeat of the aggressor’s combat forces the will of the nation was also defeated, and the nation surrendered. In nuclear aggression, however, the victim nation suffers devastation in a few hours. Other than by surrendering on demand, the only way it can avoid this devastation is to defeat the enemy will in advance by convincing the guilty ruler and his people of the certainty of immediate deadly retaliation. Nuclear weapons have brought the guilty will of the aggressor population into the open, face-to-face with its intended victim, rather than concealing it behind its armed combatants. The real innocents (incompetents and active rebels) in the aggressor nation cannot be isolated from the guilty mass any more than noncombatants can be distinguished from a legitimate military target. If defense of a nation was ever legitimate, nuclear weapons, horrible as they are, have not made it less so. The expediency of resisting nuclear aggression is a matter to be judged by national authorities.

It seems quite certain that if the Pope were actually the infallible and authoritative vicar of Christ, he would long ago have known and declared true guidance to the faithful in this terrible threat to mankind.

WILLIAM K. HARRISON

Book Briefs

Barnes’ Notes on the New Testament, by Albert Barnes (Kregel, 1962, 1763 pp., $12.95). All 11 volumes of Barnes’ notes on the New Testament, complete and unabridged in a single volume. Well-bound.

Chats with Young People on Growing Up, by E. Margaret Clarkson (Eerdmans, 1962, 93 pp., $2.50). Beginning with the sex life of a hamster, the author artfully teaches the basic facts of sex life to early teen-agers.

Our Amish Neighbots, by William I. Schreiber, with 100 drawings by Sybil Gould (University of Chicago Press, 1962, 227 pp., $5.95). Warm, candid account of the family life, courtship, marriage, religious life of the Old-Order, horse-and-buggy, no-gadget Amish people of Ohio and Pennsylvania. The story is well done, the numerous sketches delightful.

The Moderns: Molders of Contemporary Theology, by William C. Fletcher (Zondervan, 1962, 160 pp., $3). Essays on men (Schleiermacher to Bultmann) who have shaped current theology; long on good spirit, short on maturity.

A Legacy of Faith: The Heritage of Menno Simons, edited by Cornelius J. Dyck (Faith and Life Press, Newton, Kansas, 1962, 260 pp., $5.50). Significant, competent essays on the Dutch Anabaptist-Mennonites; a historical study that throws considerable light on the Anabaptist movement. With a glance at Swiss and Russian Mennonites.

The Pattern of Health, by Aubrey West-lake (Vincent Stuart, 1961, 180 pp., 25 s.). A doctor’s somewhat technical discussion of supersensory healing force, with a fascinating section on Christ’s healing miracles.

The Crescent and the Bull, by Erich Zehren (Hawthorn, 1962, 366 pp., $6.95). A history of archaeology in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Near East from the time of the curious amateur to the professional scientist of today. First published in Germany and in German in 1961.

The Committee and Its Critics: A Calm Review of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, by William F. Buckley, Jr. and the editors of National Review (Putnam’s, 1962, 352 pp., $4.95). The writers weigh the arguments that have been adduced against the HUAC in the light of the requirements of national defense and social freedom.

The Doctrinal Conflict Between Roman Catholic and Protestant Christianity, by Mario Colacci (T. S. Denison, 1962, 269 pp., $4.50). A professor, formerly Roman Catholic, contrasts the respective Roman Catholic and Protestant positions which brought about the Reformation to discover whether there is hope for reunion.

Time And Its End, by Howard Alexander Slaatte (Vantage, 1962, 297 pp., $4.95). An existential interpretation of time and eschatology with special reference to Berdyaev and secondary reference to Kierkegaard, Cullmann, Barth, Bultmann, and others.

The Selected Works of Ryters Krampe, by Glenn H. Asquith (Judson, 1962, 96 pp., $2). A Baptist pastor writes under a pseudonym in order to say some things to churches, pastors, and people which he could not otherwise say.

Paperbacks

How to Fight Communism Today, by Lambert Brose (Concordia, 1962, 90 pp., $1). A punchy, journalistic case against Communism, carrying the blessings of Ray Scherer, NBC White House correspondent, and Vance Hartke, U.S. senator from Indiana.

Baptist Church Discipline, by James Leo Garrett, Jr. (Broadman, 1962, 52 pp., $.85). First reprint in more than a century of the oldest document on church discipline framed by Baptists in the South.

The Living Christ in Our Changing World, by J. Daniel Joyce (Bethany Press, 1962, 95 pp., $1.25). Four sermons lay bare the theological foundation of the Church’s evangelistic responsibility.

The Present Age, by Sören Kierkegaard (Harper & Row, 1962, 108 pp., $1.25). Kierkegaard’s criticisms of his times, which were to prove brilliantly prophetic. Also contains Kierkegaard’s essay Of the Difference between a Genius and an Apostle.

The Old Testament from Within, by Gabriel Hebert (Oxford, 1962, 153 pp., $1.75). A substantial presentation of the real issues of faith at various stages of Old Testament history. Thoroughly revised edition of The Bible from Within published in 1950.

Beyond Anxiety, by James A. Pike (Scribner’s 1962, 149 pp., $1.25). Bishop Pike gives his answer to the fear, guilt, loneliness, despair, inhibition, and frustration of men living in our age of anxiety. First published in 1953.

Jesus Christ and Mythology, by Rudolf Bultmann (Scribner’s 1962, 96 pp., $1.25). Bultmann in lucid explanation clarifies what his “demythologizing” of the New Testament means. A good place to begin the reading of Bultmann. First published in 1958.

Credo, by Karl Barth (Scribner’s, 1962, 203 pp., $1.45). Barth’s 1935 interpretation of the Apostles’ Creed; contains much of his Church Dogmatics in a nutshell. Moderately easy reading.

The Russian Idea, by Nicolas Berdyaev (Beacon Press, 1962, 267 pp., $1.95). A philosophical analysis of Russian history which traces social and religious currents and examines the prophetic elements in its nineteenth-century literature and thought. First published in 1947.

The Gospel Message of St. Mark, by R. H. Lightfoot (Oxford, 1962, 119 pp., $1.50). Eight scholarly essays on various aspects of the second Gospel, including one on Form Criticism. First published in 1950.

Why Work? The Christian Answer, A Case for Christian Labour Unions, by E. L. H. Taylor (Christian Labour Association of Canada, Rexdale, Ontario, 1962, 28 pp., $.30). An address which seeks to restore meaning to labor.

Red Blueprint for the World, by John W. Drakeford (Eerdmans, 1962, 166 pp., $2). An examination of Communist proposals, plans, and techniques.

A Theological Word Book of the Bible, edited by Alan Richardson (Macmillan, 1962, 290 pp., $1.95). 230 articles giving the theological meaning of key biblical words. First-time paperback edition of a 1950 publication.

Plea for ‘Unity’ Pervades Vatican Council

The following account of the opening of the Second Vatican Council was prepared by Dr. J. D. Douglas:

Rain fell steadily on several hundred persons—mostly women in black—who had gathered by 7 a.m. in St. Peter’s Square for the opening of the Second Vatican Council.

Pope John XXIII was scheduled to meet conciliar fathers in the great Hall of Benedictions at 7:30 to invoke the guidance of the Holy Spirit, but it was 9:55 before he ascended the papal throne in St. Peter’s. Five minutes later he spoke his first words clearly heard throughout the packed basilica:

“Protector noster aspice Deus.”

Mass was celebrated by the bearded Eugene Cardinal Tisserant, French-born dean of the College of Cardinals. As he pronounced the words of consecration, Swiss guards bowed the knee and lowered their arms. Following the mass, cardinals and patriarchs came to make obeisance to the Pope individually. Then, representing their kind and to avoid protracting the proceedings, came two archbishops, two bishops, two abbots, and two superiors general.

By noon the rain had given way to strong sunshine and the square was half filled as council proceedings were relayed in Latin by loudspeaker. The first session, a service of worship, lasted until 1:15. Cried the crowd, “Viva il Papa.”

One leading American evangelical observed, “New Delhi was peanuts to this.”

The Pope’s address at the opening session voiced the hope that the council might pave the way toward the “unity of mankind.”

“Unfortunately,” he said, “the entire Christian family has not yet fully attained … unity in truth.

“The Catholic church, therefore, considers it her duty to work actively so that there may be fulfilled the great mystery of that unity, which Jesus Christ invoked with fervent prayer from his heavenly Father on the eve of his sacrifice.”

The Pope avoided mention of the conviction that only through a return of the “separated brethren” to the Roman Catholic Church can unity be achieved.

In Rome, as one made the precarious journey through Europe’s worst traffic scrambles, the impression was that the influx of more than 90 per cent of the hierarchy from 76 countries left the normally cosmopolitan eternal city singularly unmoved.

The central bronze doors of St. Peter’s have been cleaned so that Filarete’s superb Renaissance workmanship can again be clearly seen. Facing each other across the nave in the basilica are tiers of seats divided into sections. This was the spot where in Nero’s day Christians were flung to the lions.

NEWS / A fortnightly report of developments in religion

U. S. AMBASSADOR AT THE VATICAN

In a last minute reversal, the U. S. State Department authorized the American ambassador to Italy, G. Frederick Reinhardt, to attend opening ceremonies of the Second Vatican Council.

Department spokesmen had announced earlier that a U. S. representative would not be present because the council is a “purely religious gathering” and not a ceremony in which the Pope is extended recognition as head of state of Vatican City.

The United States has sent representatives to such events as the funeral of Pope Pius XII, the coronation of Pope John XXIII, and ceremonies honoring pontiffs on their birthdays and coronation anniversaries. As is well known, however, there is no U. S. ambassador to the Vatican. One of the points on which President Kennedy based his election campaign was opposition to the appointment of a Vatican ambassador.

In this case, Reinhardt reportedly informed the State Department that since several hundred American citizens are taking part in the council, he felt it would be appropriate for the U. S. ambassador to attend the opening.

The department reconsidered and told Reinhardt to be on hand.

Security precautions have been tightened since twice in recent weeks incendiary bombs were planted in the basilica. Mine detectors were employed the night prior to the opening. Interpol was asked to help by notifying council officials of known religious fanatics.

Arrival of two Hungarian bishops marked the first direct contact between Rome and the Hungarian hierarchy in some 14 years. The Apostolic Bishop of Sofia appeared unexpectedly. The largest delegation from a Communist country came from Poland—a cardinal and 13 bishops.

Some 28 Protestant observers were on hand, but on the eve of the opening not a single major Orthodox representative had been named. At the last minute, Moscow announced that the Russian Orthodox Church was sending two observers. The sparse Orthodox representation is explained partly by the internal dissension between Greek and Russian groups, and partly by the traditional Orthodox view which accepts no council after the eighth century as valid and holds that separation of Greek and Latin Churches made further infallible pronouncements impossible.

Vatican Council II, as it is officially known, is unique in not having been called to counter some specific heresy or other pressing danger or (so far as is known) to introduce new doctrine.

Said American Bishop John Wright: “Christianity does not need a million campaigns against a million heresies so much as a timely statement of its own first principles.”

A radical difference from the last council is seen in the present determination to face up to conditions in an ever-changing world and to evaluate in Christian terms the scientific, technical, social, and economic revolution.

Thus, subjects to be discussed are expected to include the ethics of tax evasion, the problem of getting the sacraments to nuclear war victims, and the use of mass media for religious purposes. (The council became the first religious conclave to be transmitted via the American Telstar communications satellite.)

Some Anglo-Catholics still hope for a reopening of the question of the validity of Anglican orders pronounced null and void by Leo XIII with, however, uncertain dogmatic force. But it is felt that to consider the question might jeopardize cordial relations presently enjoyed with other churches.

Some older fathers are concerned about the impression abroad that the church is to be brought up-to-date, remembering that 50 years ago modernists were condemned for talking of bringing the church into line with modern thought. Hans Kung’s book is regarded with increasing suspicion by conservatives who feel it does not sufficiently stress that the price of reunion is the return of Protestants to Rome.

William Cardinal Godfrey, Archbishop of Westminster, in leaving London for his sixth visit to Rome this year, again denied that non-Catholics can expect any restatement of doctrine. Catholic authorities are emphasizing more clearly that the council should be regarded as a gentle invitation to all Christians to once again seek that fold entrusted by Christ to Peter.

A penetrating word came from English Catholic theologian Gordon Albion:

“When the church has cleaned her face, removed the distracting cosmetics, it is to be hoped that the General Council will release in the church a mighty missionary force so that real impact may be made on the de-Christianized masses.”

The most staggering factor of all remains that Pope John XXIII, patronizingly dubbed an interim pope, has established in four years a remarkable climate of good will, which would have been incredible a decade ago. He has made no concession, yet has an attitude of charity very different from past popes, who bluntly held that there is no salvation outside of the church.

Says Archbishop Murphy of Cardiff: “A caretaker pope! And he summons a General Council! How much more care can you take?”

Two things are clear: (1) Whatever the ultimate outcome, the church will seem less a intransigent institution to non-Catholics after the captains and kings have departed, yet (2) it will not have changed its essential nature by one iota. Speculation on what the council will do is futile. The official reaction is, to quote Pius IX’s classic word in 1870: “You will find the Holy Ghost inside the council, not outside.”

Council Agenda

The Second Vatican Council was not scheduled to begin discussing items on its agenda until October 22, according to the council secretariat. Until then, the conciliar fathers (voting delegates) were to meet in closed-door plenary sessions about every second day to elect personnel to the council’s ten 24-member commissions.

Vatican Radio said that from October 22 to October 31 plenary working sessions would be held in secret every day except Thursday and Sunday.

The plenary sessions are being held in the central nave of St. Peter’s Basilica.

Evangelicals And Unity

Simultaneous with the opening of the Second Vatican Council in Rome came a declaration from the National Association of Evangelicals’ Board of Administration which pledged “to work with renewed zeal for the realization of the true unity which Christ desires for his Church and to pray that his will may be done on earth as it is in heaven.”

The NAE said it “rejoices in the mounting desire for the revitalization and unity of the Church …”

The statement stressed that “the true basis of Christian unity is found only in the Holy Scriptures and in the apostolic heritage carried forward by the Reformation.”

Accordingly, the statement listed seven points of reaffirmation: the Scriptures as final authority, justification by faith, the priesthood of believers with the Lord Jesus Christ as sole mediator between man and God, responsibility for worldwide witness “despite charges of proselyting and specious accusations of divisiveness,” spiritual unity independent of organic union, the Christian hope of the personal return of Jesus Christ, and the futility of ecumenical conversations which do not affirm scriptural authority.

“Evangelicals have been the pioneers in advancing Christian unity,” the statement said, “because they believe that only a spiritually united church can effectively confront an unbelieving world.”

Moses In The Marsh?

Moses crossed a marsh, not the Red Sea, according to a new translation of the five books of Moses to be issued by the Jewish Publication Society of America in January.

The publishers herald the effort as the first translation of a section of the Bible directly into English from the traditional texts preserved through the centuries by the Masoretic scribes.

Leading Jewish Bible scholars from the English-speaking world shared in the new work, which also contends that the third commandment forbids perjury rather than profanity.

Dr. Harry M. Orlinsky, professor of Bible at Hebrew Union College—Jewish Institute of Religion in New York, is editor-in-chief.

B.B

A Matter Of Dress

An Ohio teen-ager attracted international attention this month by refusing to wear bloomer-type shorts in her gym class. Judy Rae Bushong, 17, daughter of a part-time minister, believes that such dress is immoral. Her refusal to wear shorts caused her to be expelled from Springfield Township High School, near Akron.

Christmas Stamp

The first Christmas postage stamp in U. S. history will go on sale November 1 in Pittsburgh. Postmaster General J. Edward Day unveiled its red, green, and white design at a news conference in Washington this month.

It is no secret that the four-cent stamp is aimed at encouraging the use of first-class mail for Christmas greeting cards. The Post Office Department hopes to alleviate its deficit with the added revenue.

The Church In Crisis

How did the church community face up to the crisis in Mississippi? What was the role of the clergy in the bloody conflict brought on by the enrollment of Negro James H. Meredith1Meredith was raised a Methodist, but now describes his religious beliefs as a mixture of Judeao-Chrisdan ideas and, possibly, Buddhism. at the University of Mississippi?

The two ministers most closely involved were the Rev. Duncan M. Gray, Jr. and the Rev. Wofford Smith. Gray, rector of St. Peter’s Episcopal Church in the campus town of Oxford, was beaten and cursed as he tried to quiet a group of rioters. Smith, Episcopal chaplain at the university, risked rifle fire to plead for order.

Religious News Service reported that Gray also was rebuffed in his attempts to reason with former Army Major General Edwin A. Walker, who was later arrested and charged with encouraging mob violence. Walker was said to have climbed upon the pedestal of a Confederate statue to urge a continued protest against the admission of Meredith. Gray then mounted the pedestal and called for an end to the disorder. He was pulled down, cursed, and beaten before being rescued by police.

“Walker said some unpleasant things,” Gray declared. “His attitude was contemptuous. When I told him I was an Episcopal minister, he said it made him ashamed to be an Episcopalian.”

At one point in the riot, Smith went to the front steps of the Lyceum, the university administration building which was the scene of the most violent clashes between rioters and U. S. marshals and Federal troops. He asked the rioters to “halt this onslaught,” but his appeal went unheeded.

Collective action came from ministers of Oxford following the riot with the issuance of a call for repentance. Sunday, October 7, was set aside, and a number of Oxford ministers made specific references to the crisis from the pulpit.

The most outspoken comments came from Gray, whose sermon included a reference to Mississippi Governor Ross R. Barnett2Barnett is a Southern Baptist and teaches a Sunday school class in the First Baptist Church of Jackson, Mississippi. as a “living symbol of lawlessness.”

Who could blame the students for the violence, he asked, “when the governor of the state himself was in open rebellion against the law, a living symbol of lawlessness?”

“We cannot blame this tragic business only on thugs and irresponsible students,” said Gray, whose father is the Episcopal bishop of Mississippi. “The major part of the blame must be placed upon our leaders themselves, and upon you and me and all the other decent and responsible citizens of Mississippi, who have allowed this impossible climate to prevail.… It is for this that we pray God’s forgiveness this morning.”

The fact that the Federal Government chose a Sunday to activate the Mississippi National Guard and register Meredith failed to arouse any appreciable indignation. A few days later, however, President Kennedy found himself at odds with the ministerial association of St. Cloud, Minnesota, because of a Sunday speaking engagement. Kennedy was to have appeared at a political rally at 4 P. M. on Sunday, October, but the time was moved up to 11 A. M. The ministerial association drafted a protest and asked that he change the time so as not to conflict with church services. Kennedy went himself to an 11 A.M. mass in St. Paul and telephoned his speech to St. Cloud at 12:30 P.M.

The Mississippi crisis also had repercussions in Canada. The Rev. E. L. H. Taylor of St. James Anglican Church in Caledon East, Ontario, wired a message of support to Barnett and told newsmen he felt Kennedy’s use of Federal marshals and troops in Mississippi was “a brutal encroachment” upon the state’s constitutional rights. Anglican Bishop Frederick H. Wilkinson of Toronto said he deplored Taylor’s action.

Call For Repentance

Here is the text of the call for repentance adopted by the clergy of Oxford, Mississippi:

We the clergy of the Oxford and University community do hereby call upon the people of our community and the State to make Sunday, October 7, 1962, a specific time for repentance for our collective and individual guilt in the formation of the atmosphere which produced the strife at the University of Mississippi and Oxford last Sunday and Monday, resulting in the death of two persons and injury to many others.

Further, we do urge that this be a specific time of turning from those paths of violent thought and action to the Christian way of peace and good will, which turning is the heart of true repentance.

It is our firm belief that obedience to the law and to the lawful authority is an essential part of the Christian life. The outgrowth of this conviction in the situation in which we find ourselves can be no less than acceptance of the actions of the court and wholehearted compliance with these as individuals and as a State.

Not only must we ourselves act in accord with these principles, but we must actively exert positive leadership and influence such as that provided on October 2 by certain businessmen of our State.

We issue this call mindful of the promise of our God:

“If my people, which are called by my name, shall humble themselves, and pray, and seek my face, and turn from their wicked ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin, and will heal their land” (2 Chron. 7:14).

Nixon On The Bible

“The strength of a nation’s faith in God,” says Richard M. Nixon, “can be measured only in terms of the personal faith of each of its individual citizens.”

The former U. S. Vice-President, in an article in the November issue of Decision, published by the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association, adds:

“Only to the extent that individuals have made personal commitment to that faith can America be truly characterized as a nation strong in its devotion to God.”

Nixon recalls the religious activities and experiences of his youth.

“I remember vividly the day just after I entered high school, when my father took me and my two brothers to Los Angeles to attend the great revival meetings being held there by the Chicago evangelist, Dr. Paul Rader. We joined hundreds of others that night in making our personal commitments to Christ and Christian service.”

Nixon, unsuccessful Republican presidential candidate in 1960 who is now running for governor of California, stresses that during his boyhood “we learned and studied the Bible itself rather than about the Bible.”

“If I might venture a comment,” he declares, “I think that some of our voices in the pulpit today tend to speak too much about religion in the abstract, rather than in the personal, simple terms which I heard in my earlier years. More preaching from the Bible, rather than just about the Bible, is what America needs.”

In a television speech this month, Nixon said he favors a constitutional amendment legalizing non-sectarian prayers in public schools.

Back To The Court

Test cases which are expected to produce a clarification of the constitutionality of prayer and Bible reading in public schools are now formally before the U. S. Supreme Court. The court announced this month that it will hear arguments involving Pennsylvania and Maryland in which diametrically opposite decisions were reached by lower courts.

In Pennsylvania, a three-judge Federal district court ruled early this year that the reading of passages from the Bible in public schools is unconstitutional.

In Maryland, the state’s Supreme Court upheld the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer and readings from the Bible as a constitutional practice in Baltimore’s public schools.

The U. S. Supreme Court also announced this month that it would not hear an appeal of an Oregon court decision barring distribution of publicly-purchased textbooks to students of parochial elementary schools.

Meanwhile, the Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs in semi-annual session voted concurrence with the Supreme Court decision of June 25 banning official governmental prayers.

On Capitol Hill, the House of Representatives voted unanimously to replace the stars on the wall above the desk of the Speaker with the national motto—“In God We Trust.”

Democratic Representative Fred Marshall of Minnesota, sponsor of the resolution, credited the original suggestion to the late Democratic Representative Louis C. Rabaut of Michigan, who died during the first session of the 87th Congress. Rabaut was a prominent Catholic layman and sponsor of the 1954 resolution placing the words “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance.

Freedom Versus Security?

Methodist Bishop Edgar A. Love led a delegation to the White House this month to protest prosecution of the U. S. Communist Party. The delegation met with White House aide Meyer Feldman to present a petition endorsed by 900 prominent citizens registering opposition to the Internal Security Act of 1960 (McCarran Act).

The petitioners, among whom are 128 Christian and Jewish clergymen, declare that “the danger to the vital interests of the country” posed by prosecutions under the act “requires immediate action by the Executive to safeguard our freedoms and to maintain the integrity of our democratic institutions.”

Disciples Battle Integration Problems

A Sunday evening communion service at the Hollywood Bowl opened the 113th annual assembly of the International Convention of Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ). From the brilliantly-lit stage echoed the challenge of President Leslie R. Smith, who called for a return to the power of God as a solution to the problems of the world. He rejected as inadequate such means as education, free enterprise, social status, organization and promotion, materialism, realism, humanism, behaviorism, and existentialism.

For the next four days, the assembly met in Los Angeles’ Shrine Auditorium for its business sessions. Some 9,500 ministers and laymen were registered for the assembly.

Three years ago the Christian Churches adopted as their slogan for the sixties “The Decade of Decision.” This year’s meeting with its theme of “The Power of God” sought to assess the decade’s progress. Some observers felt that the slogan has not caught fire with the bulk of the constituency and that nothing has yet transpired of extraordinary significance.

It was reported that 226 men and women from North America—out of a membership of nearly 2 million—now serve as foreign missionaries. It was also reported that “as of December 31, 1961, there were 73 missionary candidates.… It is estimated that we will need a minimum of 40 new missionary candidates per year during the decade of decision, so the department regrets that it is far below its goal.”

The assembly coincided with the crisis at the University of Mississippi, and delegates adopted an “emergency resolution” expressing concern. The recommendations committee chairman said the resolution was not directed primarily to Mississippi but was aimed at support for “the federal government and what it is trying to do to insure human rights.” The resolution deplores “the defiance of the Federal Court order by the officials of the State of Mississippi and encourages the U. S. Department of Justice in its efforts to secure compliance to the Federal laws in all states, including Mississippi.”

The assembly had to face up to its own integration problems, and passed a resolution calling for church agencies to work for speedier integration. One delegate remarked that this resolution put the convention back to 1946: “we said the same thing and have done too little to put it into practice.” On a standing vote, the resolution carried by a two to one majority.

But the integration problem continued to haunt the Disciples, particularly with regard to their educational institutions. The crux of the problem lay in the fact that some delegates wanted to name those institutions not yet integrated. Extended discussion complicated the issue, but the resolution finally passed easily. It urged the colleges and universities of the Christian Churches to hasten full integration of the student bodies, faculties, and staff.

The Disciples also expressed opposition to capital punishment despite observations from the floor that it is a “divine order and not an invention of man.” Another resolution urged local congregations to study political and social issues and to express their responsible Christian judgment to government agencies. One delegate said that local congregations “have no chance to vote under National Council of Churches resolutions even when they have far-reaching consequences.”

A resolution critical of the anti-Communism movement was referred to a committee for further study. A resolution on federal aid to education also was turned back.

In other action, the Disciples approved a resolution expressing concern for people who are not able to pay for medical care and urged “enactment of necessary legislation by the appropriate legislative bodies of the government of the United States.” The resolution was an amended version of a motion which specifically tied medical coverage to Social Security. A rival resolution opposing governmental help for medical care was defeated.

In dealing with the population explosion, the assembly voted to endorse education for “family planning through the use of contraceptive procedures.” The same resolution calls for improved food programs and more opportunities for people to migrate from overpopulated areas to less populated lands.

Among resolutions which failed to pass was one condemning the civil defense program and urging churches and Christians to refrain from participation in it.

The Disciples Peace Fellowship presented $6,354 collected in a “Dollars for the United Nations” campaign.

Elected president of the convention was Dr. Robert W. Burns, minister of the Peachtree Christian Church of Atlanta for 32 years.

“The main task facing the church is unity,” he said. “I shall take steps to do what I can to bring it closer to reality.

“We have as one of our ideals the reunion of the divided house of God, hoping one day to include even the Roman Catholic Church. It is difficult to see how this may be done, but I am confident it will be done, someday.”

Thoughts looking toward eventual merger with the United Church of Christ will continue, he declared.

Burns said he also would give special attention to attempting to repair the “1906 tragedy” when the Churches of Christ split from the Disciples of Christ.

“All those who were active in the fight which split the denomination have since died. I am interested in what binds us together.… I have every intention of writing their leaders and letting them know how eager I am to work with them and to help them. I would like with all my heart to bring about a rapproachement.”

A battery of church unity resolutions was headed by one formally accepting an invitation for the Disciples to participate in the Consultation on Church Union, better known as the Blake-Pike proposal for merging several large Protestant denominations in America. Nine delegates will be sent to the consultation at its next meeting.

With three resolutions touching on the Supreme Court’s decision on official prayers, the assembly passed with only a scattering of “no” votes a resolution supporting the court.

Two resolutions critical of the court were turned down. Both called for initiation of steps toward amendment of the U. S. Constitution.

Still another resolution called for responsible study of the issues in religion in public education, including “the place of religious ceremonies in public-supported schools.” Churches are asked to study shared-time proposals.

In a standing vote the assembly affirmed the appointment of Dr. A. Dale Fiers as first full-time executive of a commission for restructure of organizations of the Christian Churches.

Twin Cities’ Seminary

Fifty students began classes last month in the new United Theological Seminary of the Twin Cities, located on a 68-acre site at New Brighton, Minnesota, a suburb of Minneapolis-St. Paul. It will be affiliated with the United Church of Christ. Finishing touches are being put on a classroom-auditorium building. A library-administration building is still under construction.

Weekend Wanderers

More and more Americans are spending weekends away from their homes—and their churches.

When and if a shorter work week comes, this number will grow even larger.

To reach the wandering church people and those who have no religious affiliation, some new evangelistic initiative needs to be employed, according to Methodist Bishop T. Otto Nall of Minneapolis.

At a conference of Methodist ministers convened by Nall, five Ohio clergymen described successes with some unconventional programs in their state.

The Rev. Tom Canter of Avon Lake, Ohio, told of his first attempt to bring a service to a local shopping center.

A quartet from the church sang Gospel hymns and he preached a sermon. But there was little interest, said Canter. However, when the quartet switched to “barbershop” type songs and Canter explained simply “what Jesus means to me” and told of the church’s interest in all people, he discovered he had developed a popular kind of new ministry.

The Rev. Carl Ling of Fostoria, Ohio, said his church leased a site adjacent to a state park to provide a ministry to campers. Church members in the parks found it easy to bring non-church friends with them to services, with the result that about 40 per cent of the congregations were made up of unchurched persons, he reported. Ling noted that Minnesota had nearly 500,000 state park campers last summer.

The Rev. Dale Riggs of Van Wert, Ohio, said churches in his area conduct Sunday evening services at the county fair and operate a chapel on the fairgrounds throughout the week. Old-time Gospel hymns are sung and evangelistic messages are preached, and personal contact is made with at least a thousand families.

The Rev. Conrad Diehm of Xenia, Ohio, said about 12 families join his congregation each year because of services sponsored each summer at a local drive-in theater. The drive-in services, he said, include Sunday School sessions for children in a picnic grove adjacent to the parking area.

Dr. Howard Mumma, superintendent of the Akron Methodist distict, said there were 33 “off-beat” projects conducted by Methodists in Ohio during the past summer and they reached 85,000 persons, of whom 45 per cent did not belong to any church.

Graham In South America

After basking in the ecumenical air of São Paulo, Brazil, for the first six days of his South American crusade, evangelist Billy Graham moved on to Paraguay and Argentina and there found some of the stiffest resistance he has ever encountered.

In São Paulo, Graham enjoyed the unsolicited support of at least two Roman Catholic priests who participated in the crusade, one of whom even attended a workers’ meeting. Newspapers gave liberal coverage to the crusade, and the impact was broadened considerably as Graham appeared on television nightly.

By contrast, the evangelist ran into a virtual boycott by the mass media when he reached Asunción, Paraguay, where Roman Catholicism is the established religion. Of 20 correspondents invited to a pre-crusade press conference, only one showed up. Not a single editorial, picture, or report of the meetings in Asunción appeared in the city’s newspapers—although paid advertisements were allowed to run. The boycott prompted a public reprimand of the press by General Alfredo Stroessner, president of Paraguay. It was the first time in Graham’s career, which has taken him to 60 countries, that he had been ignored by the local press.

The Asunción crusade included a week of meetings with associate evangelist Joe Blinco. Graham spoke at two concluding services. Aggregate attendance was estimated at 40,000 with some 800 decisions for Christ.

Said a leading Protestant spokesman in Asunción,” The evangelical cause for the first time has united as never before with a personality of its own.”

On the closing day of the crusade a gigantic demonstration was scheduled by Roman Catholics to promote allegiance to the Vatican Council (and, some observers are convinced, to keep people from going to hear Graham). Public and private schools were closed for the afternoon and plans were made for a parade, a mass, and a musical and artistic festival in front of the Cathedral Church, just two blocks from the Estadio Comuneros, largest basketball stadium in the city, where Graham spoke. Sponsors of the Catholic demonstration had planned to throw 600,000 leaflets from a plane that afternoon to invite people to attend. At the scheduled hour for the parade an unusually severe tropical rainstorm struck, with winds ranging up to 100 miles per hour. The entire afternoon and evening program was cancelled.

But by 7:30 p.m. the sky was studded with stars and the closing meeting of the crusade went on as scheduled with thousands on hand. At 10:30 p.m., after the crowd had filed out of the stadium, it again began to rain.

Graham’s next stop was in Cordoba, Argentina, where a well-known priest writing in a Catholic daily newspaper warned Roman Catholics to “keep away” from the evangelist’s meetings.

The Graham schedule included subsequent meetings in Rosario, Argentina, and Montevideo, Uruguay. The South American tour was to close with meetings this week in Buenos Aires.

Graham and fellow team members met with American missionaries at each point on the tour. Accompanying the evangelist as vocal soloist was Ray Robles of Los Angeles. Team musicians George Beverly Shea and Tedd Smith are currently conducting a concert tour in Britain.

As usual, locally-recruited choirs sang at crusade meetings. In São Paulo, a 150-piece orchestra was added.

Graham had numerous speaking engagements in addition to the public services. In Asunción he addressed nearly 300 members of the British and American communities in the city’s cultural center, plus 400 high school students in the International College of the Disciples of Christ. He also had interviews with the U.S. ambassador, William P. Snow, and General Stroessner.

An eight-day Graham crusade in El Paso, Texas, will begin November 4.

Latin Advance

Latin leaders of the evangelical movement in Middle and South America took the initiative last month to lay groundwork for a united Christian witness throughout the continent. At a Consultation on Evangelism in Huampaní, Peru, they agreed to name a continuing committee on evangelism to be called CLASE—Comité Latino Americano Sobre Evangelismo. Although conference planners had intended no continuing organization, the Latin American delegates to the consultation insisted on taking corporate action.

Evangelist-pastor Fernando Vangioni of Argentina was elected to chair the all-Latin commission of nine, which represents Mexico, Costa Rica, Peru, Chile, Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina.

“This may prove to be the most significant step taken in the history of the Gospel in Latin America,” observed one of the 300 delegates to the consultation.

The consultation was the concluding event of the second Latin American Congress on Evangelical Communications. The congress, which ran for ten days, was held at the Peruvian government’s economical resort hotel at Huampaní, near Lima. Delegates represented 24 countries.

Both LEAL (Evangelical Literature for Latin America) and DIA (Inter-American Radio-TV-AV) were strengthened organizationally by the congress as membership rolls were increased and auxiliary ministries added. LEAL now lists 54 member organizations and DIA, 30. These include bookstores, publishing houses, radio stations, national audio-visual committees, missions, and church denominations. Under LEAL patronage, an auxiliary association of Christian publishers came into being, together with an association of writers and journalists.

Harmony was broken only during the closing sessions of the radio section of the gathering when Brazilian representatives of CAVE (Evangelical Audio-Visual Center) felt obliged to withdraw after DIA, under a new constitution, was unable to secure by exception their admittance to membership. CAVE, which represents 27 diverse evangelical denominations and ministries in Brazil, has no doctrinal statement as is now required by DIA for membership. The participation of CAVE delegates has been received with appreciation in two or more previous conventions, but must now assume fraternal status only.

Korean Jubilee

Presbyterians in Korea commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of their first General Assembly with celebrations at Seoul’s 7,000-member Youngnak Presbyterian Church and with painfully earnest but thus-far unsuccessful attempts at reunion.

The U. S. ambassador to Korea, Samuel Berger, saluted the assembly’s new moderator, the Rev. Kee-Hyuk Lee, at a special jubilee service, as “a linear representative of what is probably Korea’s oldest institutional democracy.” The Presbyterian Church in Korea, the country’s largest Protestant denomination, was first established as an independent, self-governing elective presbytery in 1907, and as a General Assembly in 1912.

Looking ahead, the assembly adopted a five-year, five-pronged evangelistic program and approved in principle a call for 100 new missionaries to help in evangelizing the unreached 93 per cent of the country’s population. Fraternal delegates from the three cooperating churches, Dr. L. Nelson Bell of the of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S., Dr. George Sweazey of the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A., and the Rev. Colin Dyster, stated clerk of the Australian Presbyterian Church, were asked to participate in evangelistic meetings both before and after the assembly.

Looking back, the assembly agonized over its lost unity. Less than a mile away, in another church, a rival assembly was in session, representing about one-third of the church’s members who had broken away from the parent body in 1959 in an anti-ecumenical schism.

During the week, this separatist assembly was split again by the violent withdrawal of a small group of shouting extremists related to Dr. Carl McIntire’s anti-ecumenical International Council of Christian Churches. In the hope that the withdrawal of extremists might pave the way for reconciliation, both assemblies moved to end their sessions by recess rather than by formal adjournment, leaving a door open for possible reunion in the “Jubilee Year.”

Prospects for a rapid rapprochement, however, were not bright. Stern conditions were laid down by the anti-ecumenical assembly. They included withdrawal from the Korean NCC and the severance of relationship with all missionaries who are related to the WCC. This would break the Korean church’s historic relationship with the United Presbyterian, Southern Presbyterian, and Australian Presbyterian missions. The conditions were rejected by the ecumenical assembly.

As a result of the week’s developments, the ever-shifting pattern of Presbyterianism in Korea now shapes up somewhat as follows. The Presbyterian Church in Korea (ecumenical assembly) includes about 49 per cent of the total Presbyterian constituency of the country. It has 374,000 adherents, as compared with the 235,000 adherents of the second largest Korean Protestant denomination, The Methodist Church.

The rest of Korea’s Presbyterians are divided into three major groups and a handful of splinters. The anti-ecumenical assembly includes some 32 per cent of the Presbyterian constituency and unites a 1951 schism with a 1959 schism into a fragile reunion which opposes both the WCC and the ICCC. It is related to the Orthodox and the Bible Presbyterian churches.

The ROK Presbyterian Church represents approximately 15 per cent of the Presbyterian constituency and is a more liberal schism related to the United Church of Canada. It separated in 1954. The Koryu Presbyterian Church (about 2 per cent of the constituency) is what was left of the 1951 schism when one large segment of that church refused to enter the anti-ecumenical reunion of 1960. All the rest (another 2 per cent) are splinters, like the Reconstruction Presbyterian Church which still keeps alive the issue of compromise with Japanese shinto worship; the Bible Presbyterian Church, a 1960 McIntire schism; and this week’s latest McIntire schism which will have nothing to do with the former McIntire schismatics but which is now forming its own 20-man assembly.

The splinters are irritating but peripheral. Major hopes for Protestant renewal and revival in Korea will center for the future on the rocky road to reunion along which, with varying degrees of speed, the country’s three major Presbyterian churches are traveling. If they reach reunion and face outward together for Christ in this generation, the church will celebrate its next jubilee in less than fifty years.

S. H. M

Trial That Never Came

On a rainy Saturday the dark Gothic of Manhattan’s Central Presbyterian Church on Park Avenue provided the setting for yet another episode in the singular case of Dr. Stuart H. Merriam, ousted pastor of Broadway Presbyterian Church—a few miles to the north. The New York Presbytery had removed Merriam last May, charging him with “a rigid approach to theological matters” and a lack of good judgment and awareness of “the fitness of things” (see CHRISTIANITY TODAY, May 25 and June 8 issues). Now he was appearing before a special judicial commission of the presbytery on charges of “untruthfulness” and “talebearing.”

The charges stemmed from an incident in which he telephoned a State Department official to discuss the case of a young self-exiled Iranian scholar who had come to the minister for counsel. The young man had contended that the Iranian government was corrupt. Dr. Merriam was alleged to have deceived the State Department official by not telling him that the Iranian was listening and that the conversation was being tape-recorded. It was also alleged that Dr. Merriam then allowed a neighborhood newspaper reporter to hear this recording and write a story about it, thus breaking a “confidence.”

Merriam’s lawyer, Theodore Sager Meth, trained in both law and theology, argued that the charges as stated were insufficient to warrant a judicial trial. He declared he had gone through the entire digest of past Presbyterian cases and could find record of no previous trial on such grounds, cases being reserved for gross matters such as embezzling and selling of worthless stocks. Meanings of Hebrew and Greek terms were adduced by Meth to show misuse of proof-texts on the part of the prosecution. He declared that under prosecution charges as stated, “we are all guilty.”

During recess, members of the secular press confessed amazement that a church would bring a minister to trial on such charges, for it was becoming obvious to them—without benefit of a Calvinist or a Niebuhrian view of sin—that the charges would condemn the prosecution and everyone else as well as the accused.

The nine-member commission retired for two hours of deliberation, and then returned to throw out the case:

“… Foolish and indiscreet offenses against the truth have been committed by the accused. Nevertheless, influenced by our desire to exercise our authority ‘under a dispensation of mercy and not of wrath,’ we sustain the objection of the defense that the charges as stated are insufficient to warrant a judicial trial.”

The majority decision was called “a dismissal and not an acquittal.” Thus Dr. Merriam was never brought to trial.

Present at the proceedings was Dr. George Nicholson, who only the day before had announced his resignation as pastor of the nearby Rutgers Presbyterian Church. He described the issue involved as “the unconstitutional and unchristian attack on the Broadway session and congregation” by a minority in charge of the presbytery.

The New York Presbytery had that same week voted to cut off Dr. Merriam’s salary as of November 1 on grounds that he had violated an agreement not to interfere in the affairs of Broadway Church. He had preached for Dr. Nicholson at Rutgers as summer supply. The Rev. Graydon E. McClellan, General Presbyter of the New York Presbytery, said that this alone would have been acceptable but that Rutgers Church had added Sunday evening and Wednesday evening services to accommodate Broadway members who were worshiping in Rutgers. The presbytery also voted to counsel Rutgers’ pastor and officers on United Presbyterian law and procedures. Nicholson, a Scot who preaches periodically in Glasgow Cathedral and has been moderator of presbyteries in Scotland and South Africa, did not appreciate “the implication that I don’t know my Presbyterian law.”

The New York Presbytery also complained to the Newark Presbytery about the activities of one of its members: lawyer Meth, who is a minister and formerly taught homiletics at Union Theological Seminary. Certain aspects of his handling of the Merriam case were brought into question.

Some members of the Broadway Church returned to it one Sunday following Merriam’s period as Rutgers’ supply minister. They expressed “unswerving loyalty” to Merriam, and some expressed distress over the removal of the biblical motto, “We Preach Christ and Him Crucified,” from above and behind the pulpit—reportedly done to avoid offense to some. Church members said church locks had been changed, prayer meetings had been listed in the bulletin and never held, and in the absence of elders, communion had been served “cafeteria-style.” The church is said to be in financial distress, attendance one Sunday evening was reported to be seven, and a Presbyterian minister in another church had been heard thanking some of his members from the pulpit for attending one of the Broadway evening services.

Dr. Paul F. Hudson, who had been appointed by the presbytery as Broadway’s interim pastor, has departed for another pastorate. The Rev. H. Richard Siciliano, staff member of the presbytery, takes over the pulpit in a supply status.

Presbyterianism, it is said, is not faring well in Manhattan these days with the Broadway and Rutgers churches being the only ones in the presbytery which had been growing. In explaining the great influence of New York Presbytery officials, some point out that this is a “missionary presbytery,” with many poor churches in need of financial help from the fewer wealthy churches—making individual churches more dependent on presbytery than is normally the case. George Nicholson refers to fellow ministers who have told him privately that they agree with his stand on the Merriam case but that “I’m just three years away from retirement,” or “My wife tells me not to get mixed up in it.” One denominational leader in New York’s Interchurch Center has said the whole controversy could have been avoided were it not for the zeal of a core of “ecclesiastical eunuchs” determined to save face to the bitter end.

F.F.

Deaths

Dr. Charles Francis Potter, 76, founder of the first Humanist Society of New York, died this month in a New York hospital after a long illness. Potter, a Unitarian minister, participated in a famous series of five debates in 1923 and 1924 with the Rev. John Roach Straton, fundamentalist minister. Potter also did research for attorney Clarence Darrow, who argued for the defense in the 1925 Scopes trial in Dayton, Tennessee.

Other deaths:

Dr. Joseph Chandler Robbins, 88, former president of the American Baptist Convention; in West Haven, Connecticut.

The Rev. John W. Brenner, 88, former president of the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod; in Bay City, Michigan.

Elder H. H. Votaw, 81, former secretary of the Religious Liberty Association of Seventh-day Adventists; in Washington, D. C.

Peace in Our Time: What Are the Pacifists Doing?

From our tenth-floor vantage point of the White House grounds, CHRISTIANITY TODAY’S staff often glimpse some of President Kennedy’s uninvited visitors—particularly the picketers who regularly propagandize Pennsylvania Avenue. More often than any other parade formation the pacifists are there—carrying banners of protest, of pleas for peace on earth, and passing out tracts.

To learn what the pacifists have in mind, I have read their material, corresponded with some of them, and met some in personal conference.

So numerous are motivations for pacifism that it is unfair and unjust to argue that all its champions are in Khrushchev’s camp.

Recently the distinguished Scottish New Testament professor, Dr. James S. Stewart of New College, Edinburgh, made the following comment at Princeton Theological Seminary’s sesquicentennial celebration: “If any Christian should speak out for abolition (of nuclear tests) and then is told that he is a poor dupe, a fellow-traveler, an unconscious victim of Communist propaganda—then this at any rate is a libel and a lie.” American Christians who hold pacifist positions (doubtless a small minority of the church members) do so largely for what they consider Christian rather than Communist reasons, and their sincerity and patriotism are not in doubt.

Were the growing pacifist program in no way influenced by Communist propaganda and objectives, does it fit—both as a political and ecclesiastical activity—into Khrushchev’s strategy? What propagandistic and military use does the Soviet government make of such pacifist activity?

With the modern distortion of language and aversion for defining terms it may be quite possible, even unavoidable, that sometimes the churches and the Communists seem to be saving much the same thing. The disturbing fact, however, is how Communist strategists fit the peace program of the churches into their own program of class hatred and world revolution. When peace-literature, including occasional essays in church and Sunday school publications, takes the same line as is found simultaneously in Communist organs, then our distress must surely deepen. Communist sympathizers often manipulate U.S. public opinion on disarmament and peace and war into propaganda serviceable to the Soviet leaders, men whose temporary goals coincide at points with the announced goals of American pacifists. Commonly shared goals of both Soviet militarists and American pacifists include: recognition of Red China by the United Nations, unilateral American suspension of nuclear tests, demilitarization of Germany, and withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam.

No Unifying Rationale

Pacifists on parade at the White House and other government locations have no unifying rationale, thus reflecting their widely varied sponsorship. Some quote isolated passages from the Bible. Others tell of nonviolent revolution in India. Some cite statistics to prove the futility of modern warfare. Some are sincere church workers, many have no church connection. Some are left-wingers, some have no creed at all but the vision of a warless world.

Many American pacifists sincerely believe that all war is evil. Some believe further that total disarmament is the only sure road to world peace, while others insist that Christians must shun war whether disarmament is possible or not. So-called “peace churches” espoused this view long before Communism became a global menace. Founded in 1950, the Church Peace Mission sought to unite the claims of pacifist groups within various Protestant denominations, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, and the “historic peace churches” in North America, such as the Brethren, Friends, and Mennonites. Delegates appointed from each communion constitute CPM’s executive committee, whose headquarters are in the Interchurch Center, 475 Riverside Drive, New York City.

The movement’s original objective was not political action but rather the sponsoring of colloquies and literature; its “mission” was that of a pacifist “witness” to the churches. But the “peace churches” soon found themselves involved in a variety of pro-pacifist legislative pressures. Equally disconcerting was the eclipse of the kerygma (Gospel proclamation) as initiated by God and rooted in Christ’s grace. Secular pacifists reduced the Gospel to a humanitarian social ideal that demanded neither repentance nor faith. They promoted peace on earth as a human possibility achievable through legislative repudiation of war, armament, nuclear testing, and so forth. The “sectarian” pacifists did not object to Protestant support of merely secular programs of peace since they sought to commit Christian influence to pacifism by every acceptable means. What the “sectarian” pacifists did deplore, however, was the tendency of American Protestantism to equate this secular demand for peace with the primary intention of the kerygma, thus ignoring the so-called “theological, biblical, and spiritual basis” of pacifism. Although its intentions were spiritual from the first, CPM lacked a fixed theological basis from the outset, sharing as it did the enthusiasm of various and mixed pacifist traditions. While liberal human motivations supplied its dominant spirit in the early years, the movement today lacks any such specific élan, and has no common theology.

Despite the pacifists’ significant propaganda and publicity front, Church Peace Mission is now, in fact, at a life-or-death crossroads. With a maximal membership of 300–500 ministers from all major denominations, CPM has no articulate Christian program, nor has it theological, organizational, or financial strength. American pacifism has not recovered from the crippling defection of Reinhold Niebuhr, whom it nonetheless still respects as a pacifist “heretic.” When World War II exposed the shallowness of liberal optimism, Niebuhr insisted that the tragic dimension of human history requires as much concern for justice as for peace.

In the “post-Niebuhrian era” SPM is still groping for a theological basis for pacifism. At a major meeting in New York in May, 1962, leaders of the movement critically reviewed its history, analyzed the results of a questionnaire to theologians, and debated whether to disband, to continue on present lines, or to institute a new executive organ. The following month a search for fresh theological focus was made in a pacifist—non-pacifist discussion in McLean, Virginia, “under the shadow of the new CIA building.” While the searchlight of biblical imperative was focused on excessive claims made on Christians by the national ethos, no conclusions were drawn.

According to some Mennonites, the present situation offers new opportunities to promulgate the historic view of the “peace” (pacifist) churches. In contrast to religious movements that actively try to eliminate tragedy and struggle from secular history, Mennonites, by tradition, withdraw from the world and take a pessimistic view of secular history. They argue that to apply biblical realism to history means not programs of one kind or another but focusing exclusively on what God does in Christ to bring about a new age. They sense a readiness among present-day pacifists to listen to “Christian love as the only alternative to warfare” because the older liberal pacifism is losing its hold and no vigorous alternative has arisen. Revival of theological study and “biblical realism,” some “peace church” leaders think, points the way to a kerygmatic orientation of pacifism. Perhaps as a part of this spirit, the Church Peace Mission has recently appealed to biblical scholars in Protestant seminaries to set their protest against the nuclear weapons race and the cold war in the context of the Christian Gospel.

While CPM disclaims any official commitment to “nuclear pacifism,” it has eagerly received and widely circulated (to ministers, teachers, and divinity students) a pamphlet, endorsed by ten professors in leading seminaries, that promotes nuclear pacifism. This pamphlet, “A Christian Approach to Nuclear War,” says, among other things: “There is no meaningful way in which one can speak of a ‘just war’ fought with atomic arms … Christian faith and the precepts of the Gospel cannot consistently support the manufacturing and stockpiling of nuclear weapons for purposes of ‘deterrence.’ … The risk of enslavement at the hands of another nation is not so fearful a thing as the risk of effacing the image of God in man through the wholesale adoption of satanic means to defend national existence or even truth … This [Christian] tradition points rather to the need of surrender of some measure of sovereignty by modern nations and the establishment of international law by consent backed by discriminate use of police force under the direction of the United Nations or some form of world government.”

Communist Propaganda and Pacifism

To what extent are pacifists drawing inspiration and direction from Soviet sympathizers? It is not always easy to distinguish Communist techniques and programs toward pacifism from pacifist ventures that sincerely desire world peace. Now that disarmament has become an official U. S. objective, the line is not drawn too sharply even in government circles. Peace crusaders—whatever their “labels”—are quickly credited with sincerity and loyalty.

Things were different a decade ago when disarmament had such champions as the American Peace Crusade. Organized in 1951, APC in 1954 was designated a subversive organization by the government. In 1955, in fact, APC was dissolved by the Attorney General when the Subversive Activities Control Board reported that the Crusade was operated, directed, and supervised predominantly by members and functionaries of the Communist Party who did not publicize this relationship. Noted the Control Board: “While ostensibly promoting various positions and programs as necessary in order to have peace throughout the world … [the ACP] in fact promotes and advances the positions and programs of the Communist Party.”

Today’s pacifist is as likely to draw motivation from the churches as from the Communists. Marjorie Swann, a 39-year-old housewife and mother of four children, was sentenced in 1960 to six months in prison for trespassing on the site of a government missiles base near Omaha. Years before, as a Northwestern University co-ed, she joined a Methodist Young People’s Fellowship whose pacifist minister frequently asked: “Can you imagine Jesus Christ in an army uniform?” She became a pacifist and offered her services to the National Committee for Conscientious Objectors in Washington, D.C. Here she met and married Bob Swann, who had just finished a prison term for refusing to report for military duty when his registration as a conscientious objector to World War II was disallowed as not required by his religious background. Both became active in the Peacemakers, and Marjorie later joined in this group’s 30-mile walk from Omaha to the Army missiles base for a demonstration. Her husband was later arrested for picketing CIA headquarters as a member of the “Fair Play Cuba Committee.”

Whether aware of it or not, the pacifists on parade are made the constant subject of Soviet radio propaganda that imputes a militarist image to the U. S. Communist propagandists, in fact, sometimes reveal an awareness of apparently isolated “peace demonstrations” that suggests these activities to be somehow masterminded by and interrelated, let alone foreknown, to Communist functionaries.

As head of a delegation of 50 U. S. women to the Geneva disarmament conference, Mrs. Cyrus Eaton was quoted on April 12, 1962, as saying in a Hungarian radio interview: “We could see for ourselves at Geneva that the desire for an understanding is lacking.” If her delegation’s request for an audience with President Kennedy is declined, she said, “we shall parade in front of the White House to make known our demand that the disarmament question must be solved … We, peace-loving American women, will do all in our power to help bring about agreement or disarmament.…”

On April 20, Tokyo’s KYODO broadcast word that the Japanese Council Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs (Communist front of the WPC) “has instructed its chapters throughout the country to mobilize their forces to halt the imminent U. S. nuclear tests on Christmas Island. The instruction was given under an agreement reached at an emergency meeting of the council’s standing committee.… In response to the instruction, the Kanagawa ban-the-bombers are scheduled to hold a rally 21 April at Miura.… Similar rallies are also slated at Yaizu, Shizuoka Prefecture and three other places.”

Moscow radio reported on April 21 that “the forthcoming U. S. nuclear tests in the Pacific have evoked a wave of protest throughout the world.… Each new series of nuclear tests increases the radioactive contamination of the atmosphere, harming the life and health of present and future generations. Prominent Soviet atomic scientists … believe that the American tests will be the dirtiest ever carried out by the United States.… Not a single person was a victim of radiation as a result of the Soviet tests carried out earlier, while the American tests each time resulted in a large number of casualties. It is no accident … that the United States is to conduct this new series of tests not at home in Nevada but at Christmas Island in the Pacific, thousands of miles from its homeland.… Most of the fallout will primarily cover Indonesia, India, South Vietnam, Cambodia, and nearly all of Africa, while its fringes will take in the Middle East and Latin America.… Eminent American scientist and Nobel Prize winner Professor Pauling has estimated the damage the American tests will do to the coming generations.… According to the most conservative estimates, the increased radiation resulting from the U. S. tests will lead to the birth of about 286,000 children with great physical and mental defects. In his letter to The New York Times, Professor Pauling noted that according to estimates the number of victims from these proposed atmospheric tests, including deaths of embryos and still births, will reach about 3 million.”

On April 21, 1962, Peking radio broadcast this message to Asia: “A group of American students, intellectuals, and housewives started a peace ‘march’ to New York from Edison, New Jersey, on Thursday.… This peace demonstration was sponsored by the Peace Action Committee, a joint organization of various peace organizations.… When the procession passes through the industrial cities of Elizabeth, Newark, and Jersey City, more peace supporters will join it. As soon as the procession arrives in New York a big demonstration will be held in front of the U.N. building. On this peace ‘march’ the Peace Action Committee … demanded that the U.S. government immediately end all preparations for the resumption of nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere. Also on Thursday a total of 130 university faculty members issued a statement opposing the resumption of nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere.”

The following day Peking radio reported to Asian listeners: “Five thousand American peace champions held a big demonstration in the center of New York City yesterday in protest against the Kennedy nuclear testing.… Most of the demonstrators were college students.… Before the U.N. headquarters … Homer Jack, executive director of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, urged those present to send telegrams to Kennedy urging him to suspend the planned U. S. atmospheric nuclear weapons tests. On the same day demonstrations against the resumption of nuclear tests were also held in Boston, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Hartford, Chicago and Buffalo.”

A Moscow Domestic Service report to the Russian people in April began thus: “Picketing of the White House is becoming a routine event in the life of the American capital.… This week protest demonstrations against nuclear tests … are sponsored by the Organization of American Women for Peace.” The report singles out as a demonstrator “the well-known public figure, Mrs. Cyrus Eaton.”

A Pravda article on April 14, 1962, quoted a minister of the United Church of Canada, James Endicott, a member of the Presidium of the World Peace Council and chairman of the Canadian Peace Partisans Committee, as asserting that “the missing link between the present and the future is disarmament” and that “the basic task of the peace partisans movement is the mobilization of broad public opinion in defense of the idea of disarmament.” It further summarizes his views: “Today no man with common sense can fail to consider war anything but a means of destruction.… The bosses of the huge monopolies … with the aid of their political representatives … make use of every opportunity to prevent agreement on disarmament.”

We might well ask: What recent developments in U. S. foreign policy are commended by the pacifists? The Friends Committee on National Legislation cites five “elements of progress”: (1) Soviet-U. S. agreement on the preamble for a disarmament treaty; (2) President Kennedy’s support of the goal of “general and complete disarmament”; (3) creation by Congress of the U. S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency for preparing agreements; (4) reconvening of the Geneva disarmament discussions and their enlargement to include 17 nations, among them 8 neutrals; (5) U. S. proposals on Laos and reportedly on Berlin which would exclude solutions by force.

Pacifists and U. S. Policy

Pacifists are not necessarily satisfied with these goals. Not long ago certain spokesmen for the Friends Committee deplored (what they depicted as fact) that “only 14 people in the U. S. Government are working on disarmament.” Now that a separate disarmament agency has come into existence they complain that its budget is “only 1/8000th of what the defense department is getting.” (For the fiscal year beginning July, 1962, the disarmament budget runs $2 million for overhead, $4.5 million for research.) The Friends Committee is distressed because the U. S. defense budget has increased by $7.5 billion since President Kennedy assumed office; it wants “real give and take” in the Geneva conference; it deplores the “gap in atmosphere between Capitol Hill and Geneva” in respect to U. S. enthusiasm for disarmament (and recalls President Wilson’s inability to commit Congress to his goals for the League of Nations). The Committee thinks the U. S. should take more initiative to lessen cold war tensions. We should end travel curbs in the U. S. for Soviet nationals, for example, and close down some of our foreign military bases. And, even if no similar agreements are made by the Soviets, we should renounce biological warfare, says the Friends Committee, and convert such chemical research projects (as in Maryland) into health centers.

U. S. government leaders are not starry-eyed about total disarmament prospects however. In fact, the ideal of “general, complete or total” disarmament—usually shortened simply to “disarmament” since the 1932 World Disarmament Conference—is regarded at present as more illusory than realistic. U. S. leaders are much more interested in “specific steps toward disarmament” which do not jeopardize the nation’s military strength and security. Proposed April 18, 1962, in the U. S. treaty on disarmament—some statesmen called it “the most complete and rational exposition ever presented to a disarmament conference”—was progressive control over armaments that looks toward eliminating the dangers of war. Main features include: (1) balanced stages of progressive disarmament that grant neither side a temporary advantage at any point; (2) inspection and verification; (3) strengthening the United Nations for greater security through the operation of international law and an international police force.

The U. S. hopes that at least secondary reasons—such as the expense burden of missile and anti-missile operations and the reduction of war risk by confining nuclear and thermonuclear weapons to the present possessors (the U. S., the Soviet, Britain, and, to some extent, France)—will win the Soviet over to some of these objectives.

Despite Soviet clamor for world peace and its propaganda barrage against the capitalistic warmongers—while relentlessly promoting class warfare—the disarmament talks have reached no agreement beyond the preamble. Even on this level the Russians on May 29 of this year repudiated the joint declaration against war propaganda. Russia, moreover, had violated the earlier atmospheric test ban treaty, and to this day has thwarted all subsequent attempts to bring about a test ban agreement either in the Geneva talks or at the U.N. The Soviets’ main objection centers in the amount of inspection and verification; they approve verification only of the “bonfire” to destroy stipulated weapons, but deplore anything further as “espionage.” Some leaders think an important point is involved here which should concern the U. S. also; that is, if one side finds itself strategically ahead of the other in the disarmament process, it might swiftly strike a crippling blow at the other. For this reason U. S. negotiators are now calling for only minimal inspection on a zonal sampling basis. While this procedure involves risks, these presumably will lessen by the time all zones are open for total inspection. Throughout the process, moreover, each side would no doubt protect its own security.

Mainly due to the sobering presence of the new nations, the Geneva talks have yielded a good atmosphere, “fairly business-like” discussions, and absence of Soviet invective. Whereas the U. N. has somehow elicited impractical slogans like “ban the bomb” from the young neutral powers, Geneva has exposed them to the unpredictability of the Soviet and the real complexity of disarmament. While American delegates hope to wear the Russians down by making disarmament a continuing major issue in international affairs, they in no sense predict a peril-free world by 1963. At least one delegate has rented a home in Geneva on the premise of a life-long period of discussion.

The secular world harbors multiple doubts and reservations about the value of the disarmament negotiations. An especially live concern is efficacy of any verification system. Skepticism of Soviet sincerity is one contributing element to this mood. If, by contrast, the disarmament negotiations were transpiring between the U. S. and Canada, little of the present popular suspicion and mistrust would be in evidence.

Signs of Soviet Insincerity

What proof have we that the Soviet’s “peace posture” is insincere? First, the history of Communist aggression since 1916 is a matter of record: Communism has entrenched itself over three-fifths of all the earth’s land space, has engulfed more than half our globe’s population, and on an overall average is still striding on at the rate of 55,000 square miles a day. Second, the unrenounced aim of Communism to bring about a proletarian panacea by world revolution is well-known. “We will bury you,” said Khrushchev of American capitalism, at the very time he preached the virtues of peaceful coexistence. According to the 1961 Communist manifesto, “peaceful co-existence of states does not mean renunciation of the class struggle.… Peaceful coexistence is a policy of mobilizing the masses and launching vigorous action against the enemies of peace.” Third, while Soviet spokesmen denounce the U. S. for its “warmongering,” in supposed contrast to the Soviet love of peace, the widest possible circulation is given in Russia—as U. S. negotiator Walter Dean noted at the Geneva disarmament talks—to books that affirm the inevitability of war. We read in The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels: “The Communists … openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing institutions.” All the while the Soviet propagandizes for peace, it deals in cold war deception, promotes class warfare, and engages in military aggression.

At one and the same time the Kremlin assumes a posture of peace and promotes limited objectives through religious and ethical organizations that oppose nuclear and conventional warfare or both. Operations of Soviet functionaries in the Church Peace Council illustrate our point. Recent admission of the Russian Orthodox Church into the World Council of Churches provides Soviet churchmen extensive opportunities in the Free World to propagandize against armaments stockpiling and nuclear testing. Russian-born Dr. Alexander Kischkowsky, currently teaching Slavic languages in the University of Southern California, in his book Die sowjetische Religionspolitik und die Russische Orthodoxe Kirche, published 1960 in Munich, asserts that the Russian Orthodox Church is anything but a free partner of the state and is compelled to further Soviet goals in peace and in war. Formerly a lector in the Russian Church, Kischkowsky in his volume traces, from 1945 on, the Soviet regime’s brazen exploitations of its relationship with the Orthodox Church to advance Communist goals.

The Soviet record to date—its tendency to downgrade the concessions already made by the U. S. in its disarmament appeals; its rejection of President Eisenhower’s “open skies” proposal; its resumption of nuclear testing in violation of a test-ban agreement; withdrawal of its own offers when they are met (including proposals to ban atmospheric tests and the recent agreement to forego war propaganda)—is hardly encouraging. In a completely disarmed world, moreover, the Soviet realm by sheer force of numbers would still exert tremendous influence in Europe, and internationally through use of its U.N. veto.

A further problem is Red China, which cannot be excluded in any effective plan for a warless world. Currently the Chinese Communists wish to stay outside the disarmament discussions and have criticized the Russian Communists, at times even publicly, for discussing disarmament. And the U. S. and the Soviet have tacitly agreed to bypass discussions with Red China for the present, the Russians being more flexible in these circumstances. At the same time, Red China has openly declared she will not agree to disarmament at any stage unless she is “in on the negotiating process.” Both the U.S. and Russia know that broad disarmament is impossible without Chinese participation. Although Red China does not yet have atomic weapons nor bombers nor missiles to deliver them, the peril of their 4–5 million men under arms is as great to Russia as to the U. S. The U. S. objective is to bring Red China into the negotiating process after the first stage of disarmament is worked out with the Soviet.

Equally disconcerting is the disarmament proposal’s ultimate dependence on an international police force and a revitalized United Nations. In view of the U.N.’s disappointing record in exerting influence and force, is it realistic—it is asked—to expect the U.N. to rule by law in the foreseeable future? The U. S. disarmament proposal includes a strengthening of the U.N. in the first stage of disarmament implementation.

Propagandists for World Government

An International Disarmament Organization to be established with the U.N. when the disarmament treaty becomes effective would verify the process of disarming. In the first stage (to take three years) the IDO Control Council would confirm a 30 per cent arms reduction in most categories, including non-nuclear arms and delivery systems for nuclear weapons; it would confirm the cessation of production of weapons-grade fissionable material and transfer of agreed quantities to non-weapons purposes; it would confirm a manpower reduction of 25 per cent in armed forces to 2.1 million men in both the U. S. and the U.S.S.R. Participating nations meanwhile would prepare for setting up a U.N. Peace Force to operate in the second stage, and would accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. In the final stage of disarmament the U.N. Peace Force would reach full strength and wield such power that no single nation could challenge it.

No doubt the present U. S. proposal includes an eventual transition point where Russia will dominate the European-Asian land mass and American defenses will concentrate in the Americas. This stage, however, will come at a time in the disarmament process (as American planners see it) when world power relationships would already be determined by political factors rather than by arms. Infusion of new authority into the U.N., it is thought, could be achieved by revising its charter. One proposal is that member nations represented on the International Disarmament Commission be required to waive their U.N. veto. But the attempt to widen the role of the U.N. runs counter to much disillusionment over that organization’s effectiveness, and to a feeling of many citizens that the U. S. ought not tie its future destiny wholly to the U.N. Some vocal critics even call the U.N. an extravagant liability.

Underlying the projection of complete disarmament is the concept of ultimate world government, an aspect of current disarmament discussion that greatly gladdens the World Federalists. An executive of the National Council of Churches active in international affairs has remarked: “World government is almost built into the concept (of general disarmament).”

Protestant ecumenical leaders are already planning a post-Delhi conference on disarmament along supernational lines; on the premise that suspicion diminishes as people work together, participants will be invited from both the free world and the Soviet sphere. Their suggestions are to be funneled to the U. S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.

Pacifist Gains in America

How has the pacifist impact left its mark on U. S. foreign policy? Disarmament, except beyond the point of absolutely essential security, has always been accepted in America, a country which dislikes the image of a military state and has no aggressive military objectives. But the ideal of full disarmament—in President Kennedy’s words, “to advance together step by step, stage by stage, until general and complete disarmament has been achieved” (Sept. 25, 1961)—is indubitably a pacifist program. The fact that the proposed U. S. treaty on disarmament as its final stage projects a “U.N. Peace Force” in “full strength with such power that no single nation can challenge it” reflects the ideals both of pacifists and one-worldists. But in the American official attitude toward war as something to be avoided at all cost the pacifists have registered an even deeper gain.

American statesmen recognize the misleading manner in which Communists agitate for peace. To the Kremlin a peaceful world means a classless society. And by insisting that certain wars are legitimate, particularly “wars of liberation” (in other words, revolution against established authority other than their own!), Soviet leaders agitate night and day to promote class warfare.

But the American counterthrust to the Soviet premise that some wars are legitimate (that is, useful to advance Communism) marks a radical pacifist departure from past convictions. Strategists now shaping U. S. disarmament policy are dedicated to the premise that any and all war should be avoided. This simple formula neatly avoids the basic question of a just war; in fact, it implies that war is always the worst evil, and seems to approach a “better Red than dead” philosophy. The disarmament diplomats do not label all unlimited nuclear wars unjust, nor even all nuclear wars, nor even all wars of whatever variety. The words just and unjust seem foreign to their vocabulary. They approach the question of war only from the ideal of a warless world, and refuse to reckon with conditions under which war may be unavoidable and necessary because just. If it is true that all war should be avoided, then a surprise enemy attack that seriously cripples our military capacity would leave no option but surrender. American delegates to the Geneva disarmament talks have asserted that the Soviet Union has neither the first- nor second-strike nuclear capacity to destroy the U. S.; further, the U. S. is determined, they say, to retain a second-strike capacity during the first disarmament stage. But if war cannot be justified even under the circumstance of repelling an aggressor, the maintenance of retaliatory capacity seems senseless, if not abnormal. The pacifist premise that war is always evil, that no war can be just, seems therefore to have made considerable headway in the highest American circles devoted to disarmament diplomacy.

Pacifist spokesmen think that if they now “spell out” what a disarmed world would be like, swift sympathy can be gained for disarmament. Proponents of such an idea little suspect how unusual in human history is the vision of world peace. It appears first in a biblical setting. At a time when totalitarian tyrants threatened tiny Israel on two sides, the prophet Isaiah spoke of a coming day when swords will be turned into plowshares and the knowledge of God shall cover the earth. But Isaiah’s vision of world peace is messianic; as a spiritual work of grace that renews sinful man’s warring nature, peace on earth will be the final supernatural climax to human history. Borrowed by modern idealists, this ideal of a warless world, now often vitalized more by secular evolutionary motifs than by biblical principles, is being spooned to a generation that no longer accepts the Judeo-Christian view of human depravity. Modern man seems unaware that the Christian Gospel not only challenged the military virtues of the pagan world but also replaced them with virtues like peace and compassion; he fails to realize that this Gospel calls for spiritual rebirth into a new race of redeemed men. Today the messianic vision of a warless world is being torn from its proper context and being superimposed upon a post-Christian outlook. And it is being grafted upon a post-evolutionary mood that no longer basks in Charles Darwin’s optimistic view of history but is stirred rather by the revolutionary claims of Karl Marx. C. F. H. H.

Ideas

Recasting the Ecumenical Posture

When evangelicals evaluate ecumenical endeavors, the importance of “unity in truth” seems always to challenge a bare “unity in Christ.” Evangelicals have constantly asserted that Christian unity without doctrinal unity is a sort of doubletalk. And this is true. Any new searching of Scripture in respect to the doctrine of the Church demands also a new searching of Scripture in respect to her Saviour and her Lord.

But evangelical failure to delineate Christian unity in a positive way should trouble our conscience and provoke evangelicals to exemplary leadership. If unity based on theological concession is undesirable, disunity alongside theological agreement is inexcusable. Evangelicals suffer from divisive internal competitions. To deplore the theological inclusivism that tries to overcome the fragmentation of Protestantism as a whole without earnestly seeking to overcome the proliferated witness of the evangelical segment is to remain spiritually vulnerable. It is time for evangelicals to find their ecumenical posture, and to set forth a doctrine of biblical unity which will preserve the vitality of the Gospel without compromising the witness of the Church.

Where would such an effort begin? In the first place, it would begin by a reaffirmation of the New Testament emphasis upon the essentially spiritual nature of the Church’s unity. In the fourth chapter of Ephesians Paul’s expression of Christian unity proceeds against the conspicuous background, not of identification with some earthly organization, but of his spiritual union with Christ. The Church is identified by the permanent indwelling of the Holy Spirit. Paul’s exposition of spiritual unity, therefore, is primarily concerned, not with organizational cohesion, but with “the unity of the Spirit,” that is, a unity authored by the Spirit of God. As Christians are individually united to Christ, so are they to be united in positive communion with God and to each other by the Spirit.

One of the unfortunate aspects of the competition among the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, and the American Council of Christian Churches is the extent to which organizational identification is made a test of personal devotion to Christ. It is shameful and sinful when Christians answer the question “Is he one of us?” by any other reference than to the body of regenerate believers of whom Christ is Saviour and Lord.

Secondly, the unity of which Paul speaks is not only a future prospect; it is a present reality. It is true that our Lord’s most specific utterance on unity was spoken in the form of a prayer (John 17), but Pentecost stands between that prayer and the Christian church. Paul does not say, “Let there he one body”; for the grammatical construction would then require, “Let there be one Lord … one God … one faith.” No, there is one Lord. And under his lordship the true Church is one and has always been one. It is no coincidence that Christianity has been strongest when its leaders have preferred to be martyrs rather than to allow an encroachment on this lordship of Christ.

In spite of a real and essential unity, however, the immense practical problem of realizing the unity remains. The unity of believers is indeed God’s gift, but believers can threaten or deny this unity in Christ. In some respects, all our contemporary ecumenical expressions are reactionary compromises against the modern ecclesiastical predicament that threatens this essential oneness.

This practical consideration throws light on the ecumenical problem itself. The ecumenical task is not one of simply relating presently existing denominations, because these denominations are themselves torn by theological divergencies. In point of fact, the existing proliferation into separate and competing movements, each of which virtually claims authentic identification as the true body of Christ, is as much if not more of a scandal as the denominational divisions. If Christians are to discover authentic, lasting unity in any practical sense, the ecumenical endeavor must begin with the ecumenical problem itself—in the egoistic and divisive appetites of the human heart.

What can be done to recast creatively the current ecumenical posture? The frankest way ṭo show our eagerness to overcome the endless Western distinctions within the Christian church is to concede the temporary, parochial, and quasi-reactionary character of the ACCC, the NAE, the NCC, the WCC, the WEF, the ICCC, and all the other existing ecumenical expressions. None of them adequately overcomes the embarrassment of the competitive structurings of the modern Christian witness. Why not then urge Protestants simply to use the one term Christian: the Fifth Avenue Christian Church, the Tenth Christian Church, and so on. The New Testament reflects no single church polity. Why then should the twentieth-century Christian church be embarrassed by plurality of polity? And if a parenthetical denominational suffix such as (Presbyterian) or (Anglican) is dispensable, let us not insist that a replacement like (NCC-related) or (NAE-related) or (ICCC-related) is indispensable.

Can we make headway in eliminating features of the present proliferation which all recognize to be undesirable and yet remain true to the biblical revelation? We cannot speak for one another’s constituencies. But we can each resolve to bring our own parochial or limited expressions of Christian unity continually under the scrutiny of the biblical norm and to prod believers on the local level to conscientious and creative effort to seek the Spirit’s fullness in the fellowship of believers.

Whatever the cost in terms of denominational prestige, service opportunities, or organizational promotion, we can be ready to debate the issue of Christian unity in terms of first-century priorities rather than of the latest twentieth-century proposals. The important point is that we hear what the Spirit has actually said and is saying today and that we do not let our modern prejudices or our favorite proposals obstruct the recovery of the biblical orientation of the Church in the world.

We are confronted today by an inescapable conviction that this generation of history demands a new posture from us all. The sincere hope is that the evangelical Christian witness might yet recover more of its unanimity, and by God’s Spirit play an active role in shaping a new day.

END

The Unresolved Issue: Federal Versus State Powers

For much of the nation the tumult in Mississippi had faded into history. News headlines swiftly yielded the riots in Oxford to the Giants-Dodgers National League pennant playoff, the orbiting astronaut Walter Schirra, the World Series, and lesser concerns through which most Americans evade sustained thought about those basic beliefs decisive for national destiny.

To all who thought things through, it remained clear that whoever deprives another person of equal rights before the law helps shape a world in which he himself soon may be deprived of rights he now enjoys—because of similar discrimination based on status or color. Respect for transcendent law and objective justice is not a matter only of Christian conscience but of conscience—although Christian enlightenment should heighten this respect.

Debate over admission of a Negro to the University of Mississippi was complicated because it joined Southern concern for States’ rights with Federal concern for the Negro’s equality before the law. The weakness of seeking James Meredith’s exclusion on the ground of the states’ power to govern their own affairs, particularly in the realm of education, lay in this: unless public education has something inherently to do with color, a student’s skin is in no wise of academic importance. Because of the widening concern for universal human rights, the linking of the fight for States’ rights to the segregation issue blunted the force of the arguments that the validity of the Fourteenth Amendment remains in doubt, and that the Supreme Court exceeds its authority when it goes beyond ruling on cases to the making of law.

Use of Federal troops and consequent mob violence in Oxford meant costly victory as well as costly defeat, which might have been avoided by settlement in the deliberative atmosphere of the courts. Who will say race relations are better in Mississippi as a consequence of Federal force, or that bitterness has not been added to prejudice? Nobody has demonstrated that tear gas and bayonets can force men to love each other, especially when those involved are unpersuaded that force is being employed on the side of justice.

Happily, the Southern attitude toward the Negro is steadily changing. Anyone unaware that a new day is dawning in many Southland pulpits should read the sermon on “The White Man’s Dilemma” elsewhere in this issue. But the South’s concern over growing Federal encroachment on States’ rights remains a legitimate concern. The indubitable fact of sprawling Federal power, and the national government’s growing intrusion into the educational arena, helped to sharpen the Mississippi controversy. Nonetheless, two aspects of that controversy were particularly regrettable. Unfortunately the Southern pressure for States’ rights was compounded with clamor for rejection of a Negro, in a section of the nation where segregationist sentiment runs deepest, and where political fortunes are tied to segregation. Moreover, the Washington pressure for upholding the Supreme Court’s authority was compounded with clamor for acceptance of a Negro by politicians on the side of Big Government and not above exploiting racial integration for its overall political potential at the polls. Yet President Kennedy’s victory was vulnerable in many respects. Southern politicians contrasted the 15,000 Federal troops (outnumbering the American garrison in West Berlin) sent against Mississippi with the President’s refusal to follow through with the Cuban invasion sent against Castro. What happened in Mississippi seemed to magnify rather than to minimize the Cuban crisis. Clare Boothe Luce ventured to say: “In concealing the extent of our present dilemma from the American people, the President is denying them the right of a free people.… What is at stake … in Cuba is the question not only of American prestige but of American survival.”

Amid the hectic razzle-dazzle of swift-changing frontiers, the tear gas of Oxford has not hidden from view the long-range concern over Federal versus state powers. Most Americans breathe a sigh of relief that public education in Mississippi no longer walks a color line. But many Americans also hope that, in the strange providence of God, education in Mississippi might someday, as a dividend to the nation, supply both black and white leaders who will draw a clearer line between the legitimate powers of Federal and state government than Washington seems able to do.

Lincoln declared that the nation could not endure half slave and half free. The crucial term is “endure.” The wisdom of Lincoln’s insight lay in the recognition that he who denies the dignity and worth of another destroys the basis of his own. The sub-human conduct the world watched in Mississippi painfully demonstrates that he who denies the value and dignity of another’s humanity dries up the sources of his own.

In Christian thought man is valuable because of his place in God’s thought and concern; he is of worth because he is the object of God’s creative and redemptive activity. The source of man’s worth and dignity lies in God, not in himself.

Tragic, dehumanizing consequences stem from every effort to plot the resources of man’s humanity in things that cannot sustain the value. German Nazism plotted man’s humanitas in “soil and blood,” and the insufficiency of the resource revealed itself—not only in the destruction of Nazi Germany, but particularly in the suicide of those who were its chief incarnation. Americans had utter contempt for National Socialism’s deification of “soil and blood.’ Yet today some pay a similar respect to color. In the spectrum of Oxford behavior it appeared that human dignity and value are not pure white, and that mere color is an insufficient basis for sustaining their continuation and enjoyment. May Americans have ears to hear that truth about our humanity which it is not given for the eye to see.

END

New Curriculum Gets Scrutiny By Denominational Leaders

Within the major denominations a New Curriculum for Christian education is gradually emerging, covering the entire area of church school instruction. This new project is supervised by the National Council of Churches and implemented by representatives of the Boards of Christian Education of the cooperating denominations. The broad outlines of study present a comprehensive view not only of Christian truth but also of Christian social responsibility, interpreted from childhood on into the adult life of the Christian.

In some denominations enthusiasts have demanded acceptance of the materials before they were even made available. In others there has been concern that denominational distinctives were being loosely handled. For many, the greatest concerns are over biblical doctrine, particularly the integrity of the Scriptures, and the direction of the underlying philosophy of social duty.

Only if new “interpretations” do not (under the guise of modern scholarship) actually deny clearly stated truths is the new curriculum likely to be universally welcomed and wisely accepted.

When Government Involvement In Religion Seems Not To Matter

In the clamor over recent court decisions on religious matters in public schools, one protest is almost drowned out—the complaint that government usually seems to take the side of minorities and of irreligion.

A bald new instance is the endorsement given the dogma of biological evolution. A Wonder Book, Primitive Man, published in New York, presents man’s evolutionary origin as an unquestioned datum, something to which religion will have to adjust. Page one reads: “Edited under the supervision of Dr. Paul E. Blackwood, Specialist for Elementary Science, U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Washington, D.C.” Blackwood also wrote the Introduction for the book, sold in supermarkets. This loaning of official government endorsement and prestige to an anti-Christian tenet has scarcely raised a whimper. But government involvement is as large, even larger than in the prayer issue. The government should be bombarded with protests—from both sides.

God Loves A Cheerful Giver: Don’T Bet On It—Count On It!

The church attended by President Kennedy when he was a Senator made news recently when Washington police, acting on a Methodist divinity student’s complaint, requested the discontinuance of unlawful wheel-of-chance and dice games at its annual bazaar.

Kenneth C. Hamrick, Wesley Theological Seminary middler, told authorities that he opposes all gambling, and believes that laws against it “should not be flouted by churches or other organizations.”

The Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Georgetown was holding the bazaar to pay for building repairs. A church spokesman, quoted by The Washington Post, said that the police “told us of the complaint in a very nice way, and we closed down rather than have any misunderstanding.” He added that nobody was aware that the “prizes” violated the law.

It shouldn’t be necessary for a Christian steward to get a chance on a car or on a bundle of cash in exchange for money given in the name of Christ, and for his service. Stewardship from grateful hearts is never a gamble, for God loves a cheerful giver.

Former President Truman now advocates a lottery to pay the national debt: “When the Federal government gets behind it … it isn’t gambling.” We refer to our readers to “Gambling is a Moral Crime” (p. 17).

Alliance For Progress Funds Aid Catholic-Controlled Schools

Despite public denials, Alliance for Progress funds have been used recently for the construction of “public” schools in what is known as Colombian “Mission territory” where the total educational system is under the direct control and direction of Roman Catholic bishops. Several Protestant children were expelled last month from a “public” school in Colombia for refusing to attend Mass.

We can understand why the Agency for International Development or the State Department is impaled on the horns of a dilemma. Colombia’s school needs are so desperate that to withhold aid on almost any condition seems inhuman. Illiteracy is actually said to be increasing there.

But we can’t help believing that U.S. diplomacy could call upon the Colombian government to reopen more than 200 Protestant schools of varying sizes which have been closed by Colombian officials under clerical pressure during the past eight years, only a few of which have been permitted to reopen.

Surely this one small victory in the spirit of the Vatican Council and under its shadow could be won for literacy, education, democracy, and Christianity.

Widen Youth Ministry To Reduce Delinquency

The fragmentary approach of many communities to the youth problem is one reason why their efforts to reduce juvenile delinquency have had little success. Because religion is a fundamental force in all of life, churches should cooperate closely with other community agencies in expanding and coordinating programs to meet the needs of young people. For secular groups to overlook, and for churches to withhold, the regenerative and redemptive powers inherent in Christian experience deprives the younger generation of those spiritual resources which best meet and overcome the social and moral pitfalls of our time.

Ways in which religious bodies can assume a larger role in assisting American youth have been offered by various individual and organizational spokesmen to the U.S. Senate Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency. Many of these recommendations merit consideration.

1. The church must participate in delinquency prevention on more days than just on Sunday if it is to realize its potential in this area of influence. Weekday and Sunday school activities must be so planned and provided that the church has greater contact with delinquents or potential delinquents.

2. Churches could establish certain valuable services. Parents’ discussion groups, for example, could bring about better understanding of the home and of family relationships. And through properly administered remedial instruction churches may help juveniles gain facility in such basic skills as reading as well as in other areas of deficiency. Every church should keep ready and up-to-date information about local clinics and social agencies, doctors and psychiatrists. Names of useful publications and other literature on delinquency should also be on hand for those who need or desire such materials.

3. The church can be an important force in child guidance through extensive and active counseling. Competent counselors have many opportunities to guide young people in matters pertaining to vocation, personal morality, social relationships, sex and marriage, the military service, and so on.

4. Churches should take a lively interest in family and juvenile courts; in abolishing slums; in opposing the incarceration of youthful offenders with hardened adult prisoners; in discouraging irresponsible publicity about matters of juvenile delinquency.

5. More church and Sunday school members should become sponsors for juveniles detained in institutions. Such interest would encourage the successful rehabilitation of juvenile delinquents.

6. Since parishioners frequently call upon pastors for advice and counsel concerning the activities of young people, ministers should equip themselves as adequately as possible to give the proper help. Both academic courses in pastoral counseling and pertinent reading can be great aids to the alert clergyman.

7. Churches should express greater interest in sponsoring boys’ clubs that provide recreational activities as well as moral and spiritual direction in communities where such service is lacking. Such clubs could well be included in the church budget.

8. Church people should show proper concern for juvenile parolees or those on probation. Religious influence can be an important factor in properly reestablishing a juvenile in society. Juveniles on conditional release are often tragic victims of inadequate or deficient supervision. The percentage of recidivism or relapse into delinquency indicates, at least in part, that not enough coordination exists between detention services, parole authorities, and religious agencies. Churches could also have programs to assist those just released from correctional institutions to find employment. A committee representing the church and Sunday school would meet with the boy or girl before release to plan for his or her return to society and to assure the young person of practical and spiritual interest and support.

9. Besides their efforts to prevent juvenile delinquency, churches can also cooperate with local authorities to rehabilitate delinquents. One expression of such concern is to arrange church or Sunday school sessions in the detention homes.

Numerous churches and religious groups have implemented some or all of these suggestions. Often their efforts have functioned independently of each other or of secular programs, however, because of divergent concepts of society and of social action. In view of the increasing tragedy of juvenile delinquency, perhaps it is time for all agencies concerned to learn and to respect one another’s particular strengths, and wherever possible, to mesh forces in building the lives of our young people for constructive—and we would add Christian—citizenship.

Is Khrushchev Using Our Shovel To Dig A Grave For The West?

On November 18, 1956, Nikita Khrushchev made a statement that will never be forgotten by the American press and public: “We will bury you!” While touring the United States in 1960, he explained its meaning to reporters—his economic system would bury ours.

Whatever type of interment this entomber of liberty had in mind, Americans should realize how heavily they have contributed to the nation which now makes this unforgettable threat. More than $11 billion in lend-lease materials went to the Soviet Union during the latter part of World War II. On an individual basis, this was the equivalent of a $90 assessment on every American man, woman, and child living during those years, to cover the cost of war equipment and material delivered to the Russian Communists in their hour of need.

Probably few of the 7,000 tanks, 14,000 airplanes, 15 million pairs of boots, and similar items are still usable. Nevertheless, some of the $1 billion worth of machinery, the 400 war and merchant ships, the 2,000 locomotives and 10,000 freight cars are still boosting the Soviet war machine and economy. And our staggering national debt is still with us, a major item in the Communist timetable of world domination to be followed by godless rule. If there is anything worse than being buried alive, it is being buried alive unwittingly in a casket of one’s own manufacture.

END

A Nation under God

Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord (Psalm 33:12a).

God deals with men and he deals with nations. He uses individuals and he uses nations to accomplish his will. He judges men and judges nations, as such.

The Bible is replete with references to God’s dealings with nations and to the fact that he holds nations responsible for their actions, be they good or evil.

To work out his purposes God chose Israel as a peculiar people, making that nation the repository of his law, the agency of his prophetic messages, and the human channel through which he sent his Son into the world.

Israel rose and fell, not because of aggression from without, but because she departed from her allegiance to God and followed other gods; not because of her smallness in the family of nations, but because she rejected her Messiah.

History records the rise and fall of nations and reveals that their ultimate destiny is tied in with their reaction to God’s revelation and providence. No nation has ever been so great that it could not succumb to the degenerating forces of moral and spiritual laxity which spring from within.

In many ways no nation has ever been so favored of God as has our own. Founded by men and women to whom God was a reality and who were determined to worship him according to the dictates of their consciences, blessed by geographical location and an overwhelming abundance of material resources, we have in a short span of years become the most powerful nation on earth.

Not for nought has there rested on the institutions of our land a clear acknowledgment of God in our heritage and in our cultural and official life. From these sources of faith and allegiance we find “In God We Trust” on our currency, a Bible in every courtroom, “One nation under God” in our oath of allegiance to the flag, chaplains in our armed services, our Senate and House of Representatives opened with prayer, “And this be our motto ‘In God Is Our Trust’ ” a part of our national anthem.

On every hand we find evidence that the United States has given official recognition of our responsibility to God and our dependence on his love and mercy.

Guaranteeing freedom of conscience in religion, maintaining the separation of church and state so that there shall be no state religion nor any act of Congress dictating either religious belief or acts, the historic concept of complete separation of church and state and of “freedom of religion” at no time envisioned separation of the state from God or freedom from religion as a national policy. History indicates that the opposite was the case.

For years there has been an infinitesimal but vigorous minority which, while living under the privilege and protection of laws based on the fear of God and the rights of man, has sought to eliminate from our corporate and public life any and all references to God and acts of worship in his name. This minority has consisted in large measure of agnostics who have used the cloak of freedom of religion while demanding freedom from religion in all of our official national life.

Because of the history and sources of such opposition it came as a distinct shock to the church and even the secular press when a special committee on church and state reported to the General Assembly of the United Presbyterian Church, meeting in Denver in May of this year, recommending what practically means the complete secularization of the state.

This report recommended the elimination of prayers and any religious observances in our public schools and from all public functions, we presume.

“Religious displays” would no longer be permitted on public property so that Christian pageant scenes would be illegal in schools, or on courthouse lawns.

Voters should not consider the Christian character, or lack of it, of a candidate for office, only his “ability and fitness,” when determining for whom to vote.

Divorce by the state would be on human, not spiritual grounds. “Human failure” and “a marriage so broken as to no longer be socially desirable” would be the grounds of separation.

Basic to the philosophy of this report is the concept that the church, as such, is the conscience of the state and that to it is committed the task of advising and remonstrating with the state on secular as well as moral issues.

This report was not adopted by the General Assembly but was referred to a larger committee for further study and report next year. But, within and without church circles, it has caused dismay as well as strong opposition. For the first time there has been recommended to a large denomination a program which would completely secularize the state and divorce it from any and all official recognition or worship of God.

Carried to its logical conclusion “In God We Trust” would have to be removed from our currency, “One nation under God” from our oath of allegiance, the Bibles from our courtrooms, recognition of God from our national anthem, and chaplains from our armed services. It would be illegal to open any public function with prayer, illegal to have prayer or Bible reading in public schools or scenes depicting historical religious events on public property.

Then, on June 25 the Supreme Court declared it illegal for this prayer to be used in the public schools of the state of New York: “Almighty God, we acknowledge our dependence on Thee, and we beg Thy blessing upon us, our parents, our teachers and our country.”

If the basic principle adopted in the Court’s decision is carried to its logical end, we will be faced with a series of suits designed to eliminate from our national life every vestige of recognition of Almighty God, and the strong probability that such suits will win Court approval.

The evidences of moral and spiritual decay are seen in every area of our national life. Are these to be crowned by the official rejection of God? Is our Christian heritage to be legislated away under the guise of freedom? Shall our official life replace the God of our fathers with the agnostic’s contention that there is no God?

The Psalmist speaks clearly to us today: “Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little. Blessed are all they that put their trust in him” (Psalm 2:10–12).

Nations have rejected God before this. By official action Communism denies him today. But, all nations shall stand in judgment before him who is King of kings, and Lord of lords. All nations which take counsel against him stand in peril of divine derision: “He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision. Then shall he speak unto them in his wrath, and vex them in his sore displeasure” (Psalm 2:4, 5).

Eutychus and His Kin: October 26, 1962

Good Morning

You have one experience in common with everyone you will meet today. He had to get up this morning, too. For sheer trauma, waking up is a close second to being born, and it occurs more often. It is not unusual for me to wake up a dozen times in one day: at my desk, in a bus, driving my car, or in a pew. But usually I wake up at home, in the midst of the dawn crisis.

Fear of reprisals keeps me from reporting on our awakening household in detail. I could describe A, groaning, kicking the wall, and pulling the blanket over his head, or B, who rises quickly, dresses with expressionless face in whatever garments happen to be lying about, then collapses insensible across the bed. One member uses a two-alarm system, another a clock radio and a cheery news announcer. The best all-family rouser was the rooster that grew from an Easter chick, but the neighbors deplored his efficiency; he was deported. By all these means we move from bed to bedlam in the space of half an hour.

This morning I missed the weather report, and was about to dial WE 7–1212 for a recorded briefing, when the thought struck me that I might go outside and see the morning myself.

It was unforgettable. The quiet. Only the whine of trucks in the distance and an occasional subdued crash or shout from the house. The color. An autumn morning watches color being born. The rising sun touches the trees and the misty charcoal tones burst into flames. The dew. My shoes were soaked from the wet grass. Frost was on the fallen leaves. A spider web on the garage window had become a sparkling necklace.

It became clear to me why a poet sees the morning differently from a commuter. He stands out-of-doors. Here I was in that morning freshness that poets now describe for cigarette ads.

The Bible pictures dew as a blessing, and blessing as a dew (Psalm 133). The Messiah’s people will be like the dew: an army of young men rising up in the beauty of holiness out of the womb of the morning (Psalm 110:3). Indeed, God himself will be as the dew to his people (Hosea 14:5).

The rising Sun of Righteousness gives a new day, a new birth of the Spirit. In the light of the Gospel it is morning. The hope of the Church’s reformation is the renewal of the Holy Ghost with the dew of the morning.

Man: Evolution, Antiquity

In your September 14 issue on Christianity and Science you have done us all and the kingdom of God a real service.…

First Baptist Church

Ashton, Md.

Reading the two articles by Walter E. Lammerts and Albert Hyma was like reading an eighteenth-century report on evolution, or perhaps even a throwback to the sixteenth. However, they were wonderful and timely examples of a traditional religious prejudice against natural science.…

Examples of this war between religion and science could go on ad infinitum; suffice to say that the Church is not infallible. We dare not take a supercilious attitude, assuming that Christianity has a monopoly on correct answers. When the Church ceases to be objective, it ceases to have the truth.

Evolution is yet a sensitive subject … and indeed the scientists have many problems which require prolonged research. However, this is not to be taken as some kind of aerial signal flare by the Church to commence a blind unintelligible attack upon evolution by calling it “pure fiction” (Hyma, p. 8).

I do not mean to infer that natural science is infallible, or that it dictate to the Church how Scripture should be interpreted. However, surely we must examine natural science objectively—before we storm off “halfcocked”—and then re-examine our own exegesis of the passage in question. There has been more than one inaccurate exegesis. Perhaps it is the task of natural science to keep theology alert.…

Rochester, Pa.

We are grateful to you for this timely discussion of the important question of evolution and its implications.

There seems to be a resurgence of the teaching of creation by evolution clear down to the first grades in our schools. We need truth, not hypothesis. Most scientists admit that evolution is not a proved fact.… However, they present it to the children as if it were fact.

Evidence of design in the world is marvelous indeed. I regret that the doctors’ textbooks in medical school are so inclined to the evolutionary view.

Brookfield, Mo.

One of the unfortunate, but probably necessary characteristics of our present state of learning is specialization. In Christian thinking we see this often graphically illustrated in articles dealing with the general subject of science and Scripture. All too frequently we see this in the case of the theologian unversed in science, or the well-meaning scientist ignorant of biblical theology who tries to “prove the Bible by science” or otherwise relate the two areas of knowledge. Occasionally specialization becomes evident when the scientist who is expert in one field attempts to relate some other field of his mild acquaintance with the Word of God. Such, I believe, is true in the instance of the article “Is Evolutionary Theory Valid?” by Walter E. Lammerts. One could not doubt that Dr. Lammerts is a leading authority in certain aspects of botany. It is to my thinking doubtful whether “careful field study during many vacations since 1936” qualifies a botanist to upset the basic foundations of modern geology any more than many summers growing roses qualifies a geologist to upset the foundations of modern genetics, should he feel disposed to do so. The Christian lay public does well to heed the scientist who is a Christian in the interpretation of the field in which he is expert, and proceed from that point to relate the particular area of science to the Word of God.

Science Dept.

Delaware County Christian School

Newtown Square, Pa.

I share the protest of Professor Hyma about the way evolutionary doctrines are taught in much textbook literature, especially in the social science fields. I am not sure that he has grasped the basic problem because he seems to imply that contemporary thought can be put on the basis of a pure Genesis literalism.

The basic difficulty, as it appears to me after many years of dealing directly with this problem in classes which embraced all current religious cultures, is a confusion of “scientific fact” with metaphysical implications. Evolution is not a fact, but a working hypothesis, and furthermore it is not even a hypothesis about causes or values. But to say, “It actually is still pure fiction,” is a semantic error also.

I am in doubt that Professor Hyma sees this distinction and its implications. Once this analysis is established the ground is cleared for theology, for theology is not based on a time claim, but on the revelation of a divine act. I am not saying that the evolutionary hypothesis furnishes no problems, but they are not insuperable, even from the point of view of a Calvinist doctrine of original sin, which, incidentally, is not literally stated in Genesis.

I deplore, with Dr. Hyma, the contemporary relativism in ethical values, but the problem is much too complicated to be assessed against the doctrine of evolution.

Dept. of Philosophy

Cornell College

Mount Vernon, Iowa

If a local inundation, what need for animals, and especially birds, in the ark?… [Also] does evolution from the animal make man an animal any more than growth from a baby makes one a baby?

Los Angeles, Calif.

The articles … on Christianity and science are very timely. I teach world history, and will present parts of Dr. Lammerts’ article to my students in connection with our study of the beginnings of history. No doubt I will take some parts of Hyma’s article also.…

Canton, Ohio

It is my strong conviction that thirty years of progressive education, and thirty years of teaching youngsters that they are descended from apes, has brought America to the point where self-respect and respect for one’s fellow man and reverence for God have almost entirely disappeared from our social order.…

Vidor, Tex.

May I place an order for a dozen copies of [the] issue. In my tattered book it is the best you’ve produced.…

Menlo Park, Calif.

The very excellent articles entitled “How Early is Man?” and “A Great Unfinished Task” … represent truly first-rate thinking about setting up a dialogue between science and religion, whereas the articles by Drs. Lammerts and Hyma … are obscurantist and completely irrelevant to anyone who is interested in relating scientific to religious truth.

First Presbyterian Church and Westminister Foundation

Annapolis, Md.

Thank you for printing Professor Wilson’s very provocative article, “How Early is Man?” Orthodoxy hinders the cause of the Gospel whenever it gives the impression that the infallibility of Scripture implies a specific answer to the question of human antiquity.

Prof. of Ethics and

Philosophy of Religion

Fuller Theological Seminary

Pasadena, Calif.

I am somewhat disturbed by the article.… He contends that the Bible is not chronologically correct and that the age of man is probably older than we have always thought. I am only a layman, but I looked up the references and I certainly cannot see it his way.…

Westphalia, Kan.

Whether Adam was created instantly, or whether his development took millions of years, is not really important. The blueprint of his creation is not given in the book of Genesis. It may be written in the rocks and fossils of the earth. Time is nothing to Jehovah. The image of God is spirit, for God is spirit. We are spiritual beings. Our duty is to serve Him, not to engage in endless disputes over personal opinions.…

Harlingen, Tex.

Why are we so anxious to include the Zinjanthropus animal and his friends into our human family?…

Clearly a definition of man must be related to the image of God, particularly in the area of man’s spiritual relationship to God. The evidence of this fact appears most dramatically in three ways.

1. Man has an awareness of life after death in his heart.…

2. Man has a subconscious or conscious uneasiness about his sins.…

3. Man must worship God. He may argue unconvincingly with himself, as the atheist today and the fool of the Scriptures (“there is no God”), but this only proves his created relationship to God.…

If the above is true, an early fossil may definitely be called man only [with] evidence of one of these three conditions.… All other fossils must be placed in the animal kingdom because of lack of positive evidence of God’s image within them.…

Alameda, Calif.

Genes of apes cannot ever yield man. Zinjanthropus is … ape.

Canterbury, Conn.

Marilyn Monroe

L. Nelson Bell’s “Sinning—and Sinned Against” re Marilyn Monroe (Aug. 31 issue) contained much truth, but some of it was of the trite variety such as the secular press has been gurgling and slobbering out. No Christian would question that it was a pity this woman lived the kind of life that she did, nor that she had many handicaps, nor that she was exploited. But to imply that she never had a chance is going too far. Sorrowful as we must be in Christian love to so state, the fact remains that she was an evil woman who did have a million chances.… If she was exploited, she did some exploiting too—I understand she left half a million dollars out of her exploitation of carnality. I don’t think there was ever a moment when she could not have broken a legal contract for sin and turned to decency and, if necessary, obscurity.…

This is not to minimize Christian love, nor is it to imply that society is not sinful and evil or that commercial exploiters are not hideously rotten. But sin and all evil goes back to the individual.

Memphis, Tenn.

A national magazine carried an article about her, in which she stated that she was not free to talk with anyone she wished.

After reading [L. Nelson Bell’s] article, I was reminded of the Apostle Paul, in Acts 16:16–19: “And it came to pass, as we went to prayer, a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination met us, which brought her masters much gain by soothsaying: The same followed Paul and us, and cried, saying, These men are the servants of the most high God, which shew unto us the way of salvation. And this did she many days. But Paul, being grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her. And he came out the same hour. And when her masters saw that the hope of their gains was gone, they caught Paul and Silas, and drew them into the marketplace unto the rulers”.…

I feel we fail as Christians to pray for those who are being held in bondage today.… May God help us as Christians to move over into the book of Acts.

Alexandria, Minn.

Revelation

Re “Karl Barth” (Eutychus, Aug. 3 issue): the orthodox view of revelation does not eliminate personal encounter with God as a vital factor in revelation. It simply affirms that this is only half the truth. In the Bible we encounter the person, and also learn facts about Him. John says, “And hereby we know that we know him” (1 John 2:3). Again, the same writer addresses believers as “all those who know the truth” (2 John 1). Divine truth is revelation. To John revealed truth and personal encounter are inseparably wed. Paul … could say, “which (thing) in other ages was not made known unto the sons of men, as it is now revealed unto his holy apostles and prophets by the Spirit” (Eph. 3:5; 1 Cor. 2:10). Revelation is both personal encounter with the living God and the means to that end, the body of truth found in the Scriptures.

Does not the author of Hebrews ignore the human instrument and attribute to Scripture the quality of being directly spoken by the Holy Spirit—“even as says the Holy Spirit” (Heb. 3:7; 10:15)? Certainly, whatever the Spirit speaks is truth and revelation. What better way, I should like to ask, is there for persons to reveal themselves than through words. Could words spoken by the Holy Spirit not be revelatory words? Could they be fallible words?

The record of revelatory events alone is insufficient to guide depraved minds into the truth. Event must have interpretation. Did not our Lord reveal himself to man by both his word and his person? Why did Christ spend forty days teaching (inspired teaching) after his resurrection if event was sufficient alone? We must have the means of revelation (the event) but also the meaning. With this concept in hand, our attention is directed to the exegesis of the text, wherein alone is there deliverance from hopeless subjectivity.

Dallas, Tex.

Lord, Teach Us

Needed, bold and clear is Prof. Roark’s article (“Lord, Teach Us To Pray!”, July 6 issue). Addressed to laymen it is, but needed by many an evangelical minister. Lecturing our students on real substance in suitable form for public prayer I find most difficult, but rewarding.

Central Baptist Seminary

Dean Toronto, Canada

Versions And Aversions

For some time I have sensed a conviction that there are being imposed upon present-day readers of the Bible too many versions.

There seems to be no end of these new offerings with their much paraded benefits and values. As a result, listeners of sermons from many pulpits are compelled to hear quotations read from an increasing number of recommended versions of the Scriptures.

One sometimes finds himself wondering about the motives which are prompting this quite unusual list of Bible versions, with their “Helps” of various kinds. Are the motives those of genuine helpfulness, or of varied doctrinal promotion, assertion of leadership, etc.? Or are the motives purely mercenary? In some instances, it is not a “new version,” but a well-known and generally-accepted version with notes and interpretations with very definite bias and slants.

There is a very subtle psychology about notes printed in Bible editions. The uneducated and less thoughtful person fails to distinguish between what is printed in the Bible itself, and what is printed in the notes on the same page. Thus the average reader is unconsciously influenced by notes printed on the pages of the Bible which he reads. It has been my practice to advise against the use of Bibles with notes. This advice has been based upon general principles, even though many good things have been printed as “Helps” in Bible versions. References are, of course, useful.

One of the most recent, and even most subtle of offerings in Bible versions is under the caption of “Amplified New Testament,” “Amplified Old Testament,” or some such catchy title. It is surprising how gullible people are, and how many otherwise capable advisers and popular leaders fall for almost any new thing, and allow their names to be attached to enthusiastic commendations of new offerings.

What is done in the “Amplified” publications which I have examined is this: In the instance of the New Testament, the authors have sought to explain or “amplify” the passages by lining up the various possible synonyms of the particular Greek word employed from which the reader may take his choice. Here is an illustration:

As recorded in John 17:17 in our Lord’s upper-room prayer for his immediate apostles and all future believers, he prays, according to the King James Version, the American Standard Version and even the Revised Standard Version, “sanctify them.” The authors here also translate “sanctify them,” and then follow with the words and phrases: “purify, consecrate, separate them for Yourself, make them holy.”

This leaves the reader to choose for himself the word or the phrase he prefers, or thinks the best translation. Instead of helping the reader who does not know the Greek, and cannot go for himself to the Greek text for information, it confuses him or drives him to a guess or a prejudiced choice.

This is exactly what a helpful Bible version should not do—drive a reader to a choice for which he is not prepared. A Bible version should do for the reader what he cannot do—provide for him a trusted, accurate translation of what the original really says.

The instance just cited could be repeated hundreds of times. It is readily seen that so-called helps become hindrances—instead of help there is left confusion.

Dr. A. W. Tozer has recently illustrated such Bible amplification by taking the little poem “Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star,” and practicing amplification on the poem by doing the same thing which has been done in the so-called New Testament “amplification.” The results on the poem are ridiculous, but no more so than when such amplification is practiced on the Bible, and with much less serious results.

What a Bible reader should do is to adopt a dependable, accurate version of the Bible, in which the best of reverent scholarship has placed at his fingertips a trustworthy text which he need have no fear of following.

This writer has employed the King James Version from his childhood and from which he has committed to memory a number of whole chapters and Psalms, and still loves it. Despite its imperfections, which all translations have, and its archaism of expression, it is still a great version. The most accurate English version of the Bible ever made, in the judgment of this writer who has taught Greek New Testament and English Bible for almost fifty years, is the American Standard Version (ASV).

Winona Lake, Ind.

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