Theology

Hellfire-and-Brimstone Empathy

Columnist

How the demonization of empathy will lead to a church that neglects repentance and coddles sin.

Nathan pointing out David's sin

King David being confronted by Nathan.

Christianity Today April 30, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

This piece was adapted from Russell Moore’s newsletter. Subscribe here.

If empathy is a sin, most of those saying so don’t seem to have been tempted beyond their ability to bear it.

That’s one reason I’m not too worried about the latest rhetoric of empathy as the great danger to the church and the world, mostly from those who previously told us that danger was yoga, or yoga pants, or Harry Potter, or hip-hop.

Plus, this rhetoric fails the Screwtape test. “I’m with the Devil and I’m here to recruit you” is not the kind of language that works except with those already committed to the bit. The really dangerous stuff tries to be a little subtler.

Even so, perhaps I should not be so dismissive. We live in crazy times, after all, and we cannot count on biblical literacy when discourse is shaped not by Athens or Jerusalem but by Silicon Valley. And the memes and vibes are definitely against empathy.

“The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy,” Elon Musk told podcaster Joe Rogan. “The empathy exploit. They’re exploiting a bug in Western civilization, which is the empathy response.”

For a certain kind of very-online young man, this sort of language seems strong and aggressive and full of meaning—even if he doesn’t recognize that he is buying into the pagan critique of, well, Jesus Christ.

The problem is not with the aspiring theocrats who parrot this kind of thing but with those who empower them by minimizing what seems unfashionable in order to seem “strong” enough not to be called a liberal.

The ironic danger is that an anti-empathy religion becomes—and very quickly so—a sin-coddling religion the like of which the old religious liberals could only dream.

Empathy is not a biblical term. It refers specifically not just to compassion for others (though it certainly includes that) but to a specific aspect of that compassion: the process of seeking to understand a person through imagination.

What most people mean by empathy is not the compassion itself but the ability to see the need for compassion in the first place—to imagine not just the propositions a person holds or the actions they carry out but what it would be like to be in their situation.

Intimacy is not a biblical term either, but it aims at something the Bible does describe. When we call out sexual immorality and refer to it as “intimacy,” for example, we are not saying that intimacy itself is a sin. We are saying that sinning sexually is a fake intimacy—something altogether different from what Ephesians 5 or Song of Solomon describes.

Can some justify sin under the professed rubric of “empathy,” saying that to understand something is to excuse it? Of course—they do the same for explicitly biblical virtues like love and patience and mercy.

Flannery O’Connor warned that a certain kind of “tenderness” ends logically in terror, in “forced labor camps and in the fumes of the gas chamber.” When does this happen? “When tenderness is detached from the source of tenderness,” she wrote. This is precisely what Jesus warned the Pharisees: When obedience to Scripture is detached from the actual Scriptures, the end result is disobedience (Matt. 23:23–25).

Some Christians recognize that not everything that goes under the name of empathy is, in fact, empathetic. But the real problem is that some of them seek to ask the same question the lawyer once asked Jesus: “Who is my neighbor?” And they often ask for the same reason—to justify cruelty or neglect toward another (Luke 10:29, ESV throughout).

Behind the rejection of empathy is a problem with the mechanism of empathy: imagination. This is how the anti-empathy argument ends up not just coddling the sins of those who wish to justify themselves but also evaporating the very way the Bible teaches us to recognize sin at all, whether in others or in ourselves.

When David killed Uriah after taking Uriah’s wife into his bed, the prophet Nathan confronted the king with a story. The story—that of a rich man who took his poor neighbor’s only ewe lamb—put David empathetically into someone else’s story. He could imagine what it would be like to be the robbed peasant, even down to Nathan’s evocation of the way the lamb ate from the poor man’s cup and grew up with his children.

Nathan knew that accusing David straight-on with the facts of his sin would be impeded by the king’s intellectual self-justifications. To get David to see his sin, Nathan had to prompt David to feel it, to kindle the king’s anger against the injustice by having him identify with the one sinned against (2 Sam. 12:1–5).

Upon ascending to the throne, David’s son Solomon asked God for wisdom. This was not a request for algorithmic knowledge or algebraic expertise. Solomon specifically asked to be able “to govern your people, that I may discern between good and evil” (1 Kings 3:9).

Scripture describes Solomon displaying this wisdom in judging a dispute with empathy. Two women came before Solomon, with one accusing the other of having stolen her baby after she accidentally smothered her own child in the night. Wise Solomon suggested that the baby be cut in two.

Solomon knew human nature well enough, in his God-given wisdom, to be able to imagine the perspective of a grief-stricken mother—who would rather lose her child to another than to allow the baby to be killed (1 Kings 3:27).

A church severed from empathy is a church lacking the compassion of Jesus, but it is also a church unable to call people to repentance of sin.

The lawyer questioning Jesus believed himself to be in the right—loving God and his neighbor as himself—but only in the abstract. Jesus put aside the abstractions and put the man imaginatively in the flow of a story, where he had to visualize a specific scenario.

Jesus forced him to sense the callousness of the priest and the Levite who left the beaten man on the road, to feel the compassion with which the Samaritan saw the wounded man, to move mentally through the specific acts of generosity the Samaritan showed. Then Jesus asked him, “Which of these three, do you think, proved to be a neighbor to the man who fell among the robbers?” (Luke 10:36).

Jesus did this all the time with his parables. He evoked the sense of rejoicing one might feel when recovering a lost coin or a lost sheep or discovering a hidden treasure in a field. He prompted people’s imagination to feel the outrage of a worker finding out he is paid the same for working all day as one who came along at the end.

The parables were not just “illustrations” of abstractions. They required people to have “ears to hear and eyes to see” in order to understand them (Mark 4:10–13).

It is one thing for me to agree that I should forgive. It’s another for me to listen to a story where I feel the perturbation of the older brother who sees a party thrown for the one who wrecked the family—only to then see that that feeling, as justified as it seems, is the very problem the kingdom of God confronts (Luke 15:11–32).

Without empathy, the problem is not simply that we will deny the humanity and created goodness of other people (although that’s certainly a problem). It’s that we will have a superficial view of sin—seeing it in the cartoonish terms of a person who sets out to be a villain. Jesus, though, said that a time is coming when whoever kills his disciples “will think he is offering service to God” (John 16:2).

Anyone who has ever had to confront someone leaving a spouse for someone else knows that this requires empathy—not to excuse the sin, but just the opposite. It requires knowing human nature and the situation well enough to imagine all the stories the sinning spouse is telling themselves in order to believe that what they are doing is okay.

Preaching a call to repentance requires having the kind of empathy that can imagine all the strategies a person might use to evade the call to repentance—even if they are the opposite strategies the preacher himself might use. A preacher confronting drunkenness had better be able to imagine what it would feel like to say, “I deserve this bottle because I’ve worked hard this week,” as well as what it would feel like to say, “I am so terrible a person that I’ll never be anything other than a drunk.”

It’s hard to imagine a biblical figure less empathetic than John the Baptist, who cried out, “You brood of vipers! Who warned you to flee from the wrath to come!” But it’s precisely through empathy that he was able to do this. He had already imagined how these religious people would tell a story that exempted them from condemnation: “And do not presume to say to yourselves, ‘We have Abraham as our father,’ for I tell you, God is able from these stones to raise up children for Abraham” (Matt. 3:9).

Without empathy, it’s easy to see people as categories, as types, as worldview-holding rationalists who can repent by trading in one set of propositions for another. It’s hard to get a more “progressive” and less biblical view of humanity than that.

Data doesn’t sin. People do. A religion without empathy doesn’t only lead to forgoing the sweetness and light of the gospel. It rids itself of the hellfire and brimstone too. People used to call that “liberal.”

Russell Moore is the editor in chief at Christianity Today and leads its Public Theology Project.

News

How Evangelicals in 7 Countries View Trump’s First 100 Days

Christian leaders who were initially hopeful about the US president are now feeling conflicted.

Trump in front of a globe
Christianity Today April 30, 2025
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch Tlapek / Source Images: Getty

Back in November, Christianity Today spoke with 26 evangelical leaders around the world to gauge their reactions to the US electing Donald Trump for a second presidential term. At the time, the responses ranged from jubilant to indifferent to despairing.

During Trump’s first 100 days in office, he has made monumental changes impacting not only American citizens but also people around the world, including cutting international aid, levying tariffs, ending refugee resettlement, and deporting undocumented immigrants.

To see how Trump’s policies have affected Christians globally and whether his first 100 days have changed Christians’ minds about him, CT reached out to seven Christian leaders from around the world—including Mexico, Nigeria, Russia, and Nepal—who initially felt hopeful about Trump. CT has edited responses for clarity and length.

Mexico

Rubén Enriquez Navarrete, secretary, Confraternidad Evangélica de Mexico

In Mexico, Christians have mixed feelings about Trump’s presidency. For the more conservative and the upper middle class, the sentiment has been positive because they believe he is sticking to biblical principles. For the middle and lower classes, it has been negative due to his actions against migrants. This has led to doubts over whether Trump is a Christian, as he seems more focused on nationalism than spirituality.

Kenya

Nelson Makanda, president, Africa International University

It’s been a mixed bag of fruits.

Positively, Christians in Kenya are relieved that the push to align our education, health, and cultural sectors with Western liberal thought and practices has greatly eased. There are no longer threats that groups would lose US funding or visas if they don’t support “inclusion.” Our governments have been liberated to be culturally African and Christian.

Negatively, the withdrawal of USAID funding has affected many health care, education, poverty alleviation, and governance programs that were helping our people. Most Christians remain hopeful the US will continue to support grassroots social programs so that the gospel is not maligned due to the negative impact created by the withdrawal of state funding. America’s president should remember the parable of the Good Samaritan.

Nigeria

James Akinyele, secretary general, Nigeria Evangelical Fellowship

Trump’s administration has had a mixed impact on Nigeria. His clear stance against LGBTQ ideology resonates well with many Christians, as it aligns with our cultural and biblical values at a time when there is international pressure on our nation to adopt pro-LGBTQ policies. His strict immigration policies, however, have created concerns among those with ties to the US, who are fearful that their family members might be deported. But others believe these policies may combat jihadists and are hopeful this pressure will extend to Nigeria and other African regions. The cuts to USAID, meanwhile, have caused many Christian employees to lose their jobs or suffer salary reductions.

Bangladesh

Philip Adhikary, chairman, National Christian Fellowship of Bangladesh

Trump’s presidency has had a positive impact on Christians in Bangladesh, as he has consistently emphasized the importance of religious freedom worldwide, encouraging Bangladesh to take greater steps toward acknowledging and respecting minority communities.

In April, the general secretary of the World Council of Churches (WCC) and several national Christian leaders (including me) met with Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus to express the WCC’s support of Bangladesh’s interim government. The meeting affirmed the increasingly positive environment for Christians in Bangladesh.

Although Trump initially placed a 37 percent reciprocal tariff on Bangladesh in early April, he then granted a 90-day pause after Yunus appealed to the US president. This provided economic relief for Bangladesh’s garment industry, where many Christians are employed.

Nepal

Sher Bahadur A. C., general secretary, National Churches Fellowship of Nepal

At first, many Nepalese Christians were excited about Trump’s presidency, hoping he would support Christians worldwide. His election felt like a hopeful moment. However, his strict immigration policies, especially the deportation of undocumented people, created fear and disappointment even among those who weren’t directly affected.

His harsh handling of international issues, like the war in Ukraine and the Israel-Palestine conflict, caused many to feel that he only cared about America, not the global Christian community. Nepalese churches began praying for him to lead with wisdom and compassion. Some believe he should reflect Christ’s love more clearly in his leadership.

While people still respect him as a Christian, they feel he hasn’t spoken up for suffering Christians in countries like Nepal.

Sri Lanka

Noel Abelasan, national director, Every Home Crusade

Evangelicals in Sri Lanka are grateful for Trump’s bold stand on matters of faith and religious freedom. However, we are troubled by some recent policy decisions, particularly the imposition of new tariffs that directly affect the garment industry in Sri Lanka. These tariffs risk increasing unemployment among thousands of vulnerable women who depend on this industry for survival.

Despite being misunderstood or even ridiculed by some nonevangelical segments of the church, we continue to honor and thank God for President Trump’s leadership, especially his interest in protecting Christian values globally. At the same time, we appeal to the president and his advisers to consider the real impact of his policies on developing nations and to act with justice, mercy, and compassion—values at the heart of the gospel that he has often defended.

Russia

Vitaly Vlasenko, general secretary, Russian Evangelical Alliance

In terms of domestic policy, Russian Christians look positively on Trump’s decision to change the US’s gender policy and his desire to ban transgender people from the army. We also appreciate his attention to religious freedom issues, including appointing a former Southern Baptist pastor as ambassador-at-large and addressing anti-Christian bias in the State Department.

But we especially note his resumption of bilateral dialogue with Russia, which we hope will lead to a reduction of international tension and resolution of the military conflict in Ukraine. We pray that it will end soon. Trump commands significant power, but only God can unite people. What is impossible for people is possible with God.

Reporting by Angela Lu Fulton, Franco Iacomini, and Jayson Casper.

Inkwell

The Monastery of the Midwest

Creative lifeblood from the heartlands

Inkwell April 30, 2025
Hanging Ears of Corn by Alfred Montgomery

“Were they sent to hell?”
“Worse… Wisconsin. For the entire span of human history.” — Dogma (1999)

“I BELIEVE THE WORLD will be saved by beauty,” says Prince Lev in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s The Idiot. Though I believe this statement is true, I find myself implicitly asking the follow-up question: which kind of beauty?

Let’s face it—people enjoy dunking on the Midwest. While it’s known by some as “flyover country,” to others, it’s “the heartland of America.” Name your gripe, and I’ve probably heard it come from the mouth of a friend or family member—it’s too slow, too boring, the winters are too long, there are too many mosquitoes.

Between its paradoxical nicknames, it’s clear that people don’t quite know what to make of the Midwest. But I can’t help but argue that this land contains a unique kind of beauty, and I wonder what would happen if we worked to become a true creative heartland as well. While we literally exist in the middle, we often feel like we’re on the margins in a cultural and aesthetic sense. However, people on the edges see what those in the center cannot—margins can birth movements.


I’VE LIVED MY ENTIRE LIFE in the Midwest, specifically Michigan. Through the long years, I’ve come to learn that there is much art that has sparked massive creative energy which finds its origins here.

In the midst of Detroit’s racial segregation and economic hardship, Berry Gordy founded Motown Records in his humble home off of West Grand Boulevard. This centre of Motown music was pivotal to paving a way for artists like The Supremes, Stevie Wonder and Marvin Gaye. Their inspiration was local, and their aesthetic communal. Marvin Gaye, for example, reveals the harsh realities of his people as he sings in “Inner City Blues:”

“Rockets, moon shots; Spend it on the have-nots;
Money, we make it; Before we see it, you take it.”

Although he was expressing the raw frustration that African-Americans felt in the midst of economic disparity in 1970s Detroit, the lyrics transcend time and space. From the inner cities of Detroit or the plains of the Dakotas, the diverse landscapes we call home undeniably shape the stories we tell. It’s this rooted, reflective kind of art—well-curated, slowly made, rich with narrative—that has long emerged from the Midwest and continues to rise. And it’s this kind of art that quietly adds beauty to the world and offers a centre to hold, helping us to keep from becoming disfigured, malformed, and empty.


FOLLOWING THE DECLINE of Rome in the 5th century, and along with the steady growth of Christianity, the denizens of local monasteries found that small towns and settlements would eventually pop up nearby, leading to the progressive formation of full, bustling cities with the monastery smack dab in the centre. One of the most notable creative endeavors born out of monasticism was the architecture itself, with their buildings displaying the unique styles of specific traditions, the order they belonged to, and the era they were built in. Jean Sorabella from the MET Museum in New York writes:

“In the early twelfth century… the great Benedictine abbey at Cluny constructed a church of astonishing size with imposing exterior towers and lavish interior ornament; the tightly packed buildings that fill a fragmentary frieze suggest the richness of the structure and the way it complemented the spectacular liturgy celebrated there.”

Perhaps the same can be said for the Midwest creative—be it photographer, poet, writer, painter, or musical artist—our art complements “the spectacular liturgy” of our region. What may seem to initially be on the fringes, in the gaps, or deemed “flyover,” eventually becomes centralizing and catalyzing to an entire society.

Don’t get me wrong, I would love for there to be a future for the Midwest where our streets are lined with picturesque European-inspired architecture—I just don’t know how likely that will be. I wonder if what is birthed out of the “Midwest monastery” will not be ornate physical building projects, but rather, a profound and unique shaping of the human heart. As people read our writings, listen to our music, and become entrenched in the visuals of our paintings and artwork, perhaps the contents and posture of a country’s interior world will begin to change—moved over time by the unique spiritual vitality and aesthetic significance of our farmlands, inner cities, and maybe even our ‘burbs.


MY FAMILY IMMIGRATED from South Korea to Detroit in the late 80s, and my mother and I joined them in the early 90s. I grew up in the suburbs, went to college at Michigan State, and felt the urge to one day leave for the “promised land” for many Asian-Americans, otherwise known as California. Unlimited access to Asian restaurants, cheaper airline tickets to the “Motherland,” and 70-degree weather all the time? How could anyone say no to that? But as I finished up my degree, I found myself falling in love with the charm of mid-Michigan and ended up making the decision on my own volition to live in Lansing, Michigan, for eight more years.

If you don’t know mid-Michigan, it’s the perfect microcosm to describe the Midwest. There is a slightly thriving city-center (Lansing), a college town (East Lansing), a ton of cornfields, and small towns ending with “-ville”. Most places are a twenty-minute drive, and to reach anything exciting, you’ll likely pass several acres of farmland. Yet it’s here I spent my formative young adult years, drawn by its quiet, livable rhythms, four distinct seasons, and its underrated beauty.

Our bigger Midwestern cities—Chicago, Detroit, Minneapolis, Indianapolis—are not like New York or Los Angeles. They can never be, nor do they want to be. Why? Because the Midwest is an entirely different creature.


IN THE CHOPPY WATERS of instant-gratification riptides, the Midwest offers something starkly different: a steady, slow, and intentional tide of life. Much like the monasteries of old, where deliberate rhythms created space for devotion to the Lord, the Midwest’s unhurried pace shapes the artistry of its people. If the Midwest is a monastery, then “slow and steady” is our chanted prayer—and the clearly defined seasons our “rule of life.” They guide us towards a richer devotion to our craft and a patience to see our art come to fruition.

There is a rhythm to our creativity and art that tracks with the seasons in a unique way. Here in Michigan, spring attempts to emerge from winter’s grip. It’s mid-April now, but it snowed just a few days ago. The ghost of the Midwest winter haunts us for as long as it can. But even still, give it a week or two and we’ll begin to see flowers blossom. In a few months, the summer heat will blister our skin, enticing us to make weekend plans to cool off in Lake Michigan or Superior. In the latter half of the year, Midwest fashionistas will eagerly take out their capsule wardrobes and layer on the flannel shirts and workwear jackets, while sipping apple cider and eating donuts from their local mill. All to end the year with endless cups of hot chocolate and coffee while hibernating inside our homes, letting our imaginations marinate as we hide from the winter snow until spring arrives again.


THIS SEASONALITY is deeply significant to me. December 13th, 2025 will mark ten years of being in remission after receiving chemotherapy for leukemia back in June of 2013. One of my goals after remission was to write and self-publish a little book about suffering and the meaning of life as I reflect on my cancer journey, releasing it on the ten-year anniversary.

I owe much to the past wintery months—the pause to life that some might consider useless. They’ve given me the room to reflect and finally start writing something deeply personal. I’m not saying it could not have happened anywhere else—but there’s something almost magical about writing through your deepest longings in the middle of a Midwest snowstorm, with a freshly brewed cup of coffee. If you haven’t experienced that yet, you should.

In a culture sucked dry by speed and noise, the Midwest moves according to a natural, seasonal pulse. I believe the world needs what we have to offer—life and art that is slower, more intentional, stubbornly alive. Beauty in the Midwest has blossomed in the past, is currently blooming again, and has much fruit to yield. And I, for one, am proud to be part of this body at work. Who knows—one day the specific beauty that comes from the Midwest might actually save the world.

Young Woong Yi is a pastor, currently planting Kindred Church in Metro-Detroit. He holds a M.Div in Spiritual Formation and Discipleship from Moody Theological Seminary. You can read more of his work at becomingdust.com.

Books
Review

What Christians Hold in Common with ‘Aspirational’ Conservatives

John Wilsey defends a “prepolitical” tradition that transcends today’s partisan divides.

A man cutout with hands outstretched behind him
Christianity Today April 30, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Unsplash

There are few terms more prone to misinterpretation today than religious freedom and conservative. Religious freedom could mean constitutional safeguards for practicing sincerely held religious beliefs, or it might mean a veiled justification for discriminating against those with whom you disagree. Similarly, conservative might refer to a centuries-long political project rooted in limited government, individual rights, and free markets, or it could be whatever the current president of the United States declares on his social media platform this morning.

Historian John Wilsey’s latest book, Religious Freedom: A Conservative Primer, is important for a couple of reasons. In close to 250 pages, Wilsey clarifies the meaning of both terms as we encounter them in today’s contested political environment. But more than this, Wilsey convincingly argues that the conservative tradition—one that predates today’s political debates and partisan squabbles—is best suited to sustain and support a robust conception of religious freedom.

Despite what the book’s title might suggest, this is not a book primarily about religious freedom. Instead, Wilsey spends the bulk of his time outlining and arguing in favor of conservatism. Religious freedom looms large over Wilsey’s book, however, mainly because he believes it best captures the fundamentals of the American experiment. On a popular level, the concept encompasses individual rights and practice. But more importantly, Wilsey argues, religious freedom is the end result of recognizing what he calls “America’s two spirits”—liberty and religion.


Following an introduction, Wilsey’s book is organized into three parts. The first, comprised of just one chapter, is a sweeping attempt to define and characterize conservatism. Wilsey is largely successful in this, setting the contours for the remainder of his book while also introducing characters central to his reading of this American political tradition. He usefully highlights diverse elements of the conservative tradition, ranging from libertarianism and Southern conservativism to fusionism (which stresses the compatibility of market liberties and traditional morals) and paleoconservatism (which promotes nationalism as a brake on global trade and foreign intervention). He also distinguishes between measured and extreme conservatism, the arguing that the latter is mainly responsible for motivating today’s Republican Party.

But instead of getting bogged down evaluating these different factions, Wilsey instead quickly outs himself as an aspirational conservative, committed to “conserving the harmony between the spirit of liberty and the spirit of religion for the long haul.” Aspirational conservatism is in line with measured conservatism, with its emphasis on “the true, the good, and the beautiful.” As Wilsey sees it, this mindset is driving “a new conservative inspiration among Americans, and especially young Americans.”

The second part of Religious Freedom is the most expansive, arguing for a robust conservatism rooted in various elements. Wilsey implores today’s conservatives to cultivate a “rousing imagination”—one that rejects the temporal pull of politics in favor of a larger and lasting framework. He calls conservatives to cultivate a love of nation over a strident nationalism, retaining an affection for American ideals even as the demographic composition of America changes. America’s two spirits can only coexist, he writes, “in a nation that is, first, at peace with itself, and second, grateful for the trust handed down to it by earlier generations.”

Wilsey ties conservatism to the concept of ordered liberty, which keeps individual rights within guardrails to keep people from the excesses of our sinful nature. Unfettered liberty leads to licentiousness, he writes, which breeds confusion about what the American story truly is. He also reflects on the relationships between conservatism and both history and religion. “Conservatives conserve tradition,” he reminds readers, and aspirational conservatives can look to history for beliefs and practices worth conserving. Moreover, drawing on the observations of Alexis de Tocqueville, Wilsey credits religion with informing and binding together the values—including those grounded in the conservative tradition—of the American people.

In the third and final part of Religious Freedom—which, like the first part, is just one chapter—Wilsey encourages readers to (re)discover the will to safeguard America’s two spirits. It is religion, he writes, that “serve[s] as democracy’s greatest advantage” because of its tendency to reorient people’s attention away from themselves and toward the lasting, the transcendent. Conservatives, Wilsey concludes, are positioned to do this well, given their belief that “we turn our backs on the past and on tradition at our peril.”


Wilsey is an effective messenger for this subject. Avoiding a polemic tone, he approaches his work with evenness and charity. It would have been easy for Wilsey to use this book as a cudgel against progressivism and its misunderstanding of the American story. Just as easily, he could have used it to attack the recent right-wing habit of embracing a conservative-flavored identity politics. And while Wilsey critiques these frameworks, he does so only to offer something better. His book seeks to build, not tear down.

Several key actors in the conservative tradition are integral to the case Wilsey builds for defending it. Not surprisingly, we get appearances from Russell Kirk, Edmund Burke, and Tocqueville, three men whose contributions to modern conservativism are well documented. But we also get appearances from lesser-known figures like Peter Viereck, portrayed in the book as a counterpoint to leading postwar figures like Kirk. Wilsey’s goal is twofold: introducing readers to a wide collection of conservative thinkers and then demonstrating the breadth and diversity this framework has to offer.

Wilsey is also an excellent writer, and this book will appeal widely to students, scholars, and ordinary readers. For me, his talent shines brightest when telling stories. His story of the death and multiple burials of Confederate officer A. P. Hill, told over just a few pages, is captivating. His account of the deaths of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson on the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence emphasizes their influence on the past, present, and future of the American story. For Wilsey, today’s Americans are the inheritors of a grand experiment, which obliges its stewards to respectfully consider their history (without being stifled by it).

Still, Religious Freedom is not without its flaws. Most obviously, the book’s title is, at best, misleading. The book is not about religious freedom, per se. It does not make a positive argument for religious freedom in the manner of Andrew Walker in Liberty for All or Luke Goodrich in Free to Believe.Instead, Religious Freedom is an introduction to—and a vision for—conservatism, arguing that this tradition is best equipped to sustain the legacy and promise of America. Readers hoping for something else, therefore, could be disappointed.

Additionally, though Wilsey is a wordsmith, his penchant for storytelling sometimes takes readers down unexpected pathways. The book is more than a quarter complete before Wilsey moves beyond introductory content. One of his chapters spends far too many pages connecting the work of contemporary Christian nationalist Stephen Wolfe to the 19th-century German literary critic Georg Hegel. This book is at its best when explaining and defending the merits of the conservative tradition, which makes its occasional shifts in focus even more noticeable.


Wilsey is a conservative, but he is also (indeed, first) a Christian. It should come as no surprise that his defense of conservatism is therefore grounded—subtly at times and explicitly at others—in the Christian faith. Christians, Wilsey argues, are well suited to act in defense of the conservative tradition, due in large part to a shared commitment to the God-given dignity of every human being. Moreover, just as conservatives are prone to worry about the excesses of state power, Christians are called to resist putting our trust “in princes, in human beings, who cannot save” (Ps. 146:3). They respect the government but fear only God (1 Pet. 2:17).

Because of how Wilsey defines conservatism, he does not argue that Christians must defend today’s Republican Party to advance the broader conservative project. Indeed, readers might sense that Wilsey wrote this book precisely to protest how the GOP has co-opted and abused conservatism in recent years. Christians, he might say, have a chance to defend the conservative tradition from the impulses of the secular left—but also from the excesses of the post-Christian right.

Defending the conservative tradition does not make one a Christian. But for Wilsey, one of the most important things today’s Christians can do—outside of boldly claiming the gospel, of course—is to “stand athwart history” in support of a robust and rooted framework for our political and social lives. Christian faith, though adaptable to different cultures and social challenges, is grounded in tradition. Our doctrines, customs, and worship practices rest atop nearly two millennia of shared experience. Conservatism, as Wilsey defines it, is not the only framework through which Christians should see the world, but its reverence for the past runs parallel with basic Christian intuitions.

The conservative project in today’s America is at an important crossroads. The traits typically aligned with historical conservativism—traits Wilsey highlights—are not always greatly valued in our current political and cultural environment. Wilsey’s book is a call for readers to remember and rejuvenate a conservative tradition transcending and reforming contemporary politics.

Indeed, as Wilsey frames it, this tradition is prepolitical. In other words, it describes a temperament that stands outside any allegiance to this or that party or program. For Christians of any political stripe, it reminds us that what is worth conserving is not always popular, and what is popular is not always worth conserving. Our principal work, after all, is not of this world.

Daniel Bennett is a professor of political science at John Brown University, where he also directs the Center for Faith and Flourishing. He is the author of Uneasy Citizenship: Embracing the Tension in Faith and Politics.

News

Incarcerated Women Say Male Inmates Abuse Gender Identity Policies

California ministry sponsors compromise bill, arguing that “one community’s safety cannot come at the cost of another’s.”

Women in blue uniforms sit in a circle, some raising hands, during a discussion in prison.

Nearly half of the women at the Central California Women’s Facility are serving life sentences.

Christianity Today April 30, 2025
Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

In 2008, while Amie Ichikawa was serving her sentence at the Central California Women’s Facility for armed kidnapping, assault, and drug possession, she heard about a disturbing new arrival.

The prisoner’s name was Richard Masbruch. Masbruch had been convicted of raping one woman and torturing another. After castrating himself in prison and changing his name, Masbruch had convinced the state prison board to transfer into the women’s prison.

Such a move had never happened before in California, so the news was almost too outrageous for Ichikawa’s family to believe.

“I kept calling home, and I was saying, ‘Hey, there’s a rapist here. There’s a man here,’” Ichikawa said. “And my parents were like, ‘Wow, are you on drugs? What’s wrong with you?’”

Back then, incarcerated women like Ichikawa saw the problem as straightforward: Men don’t belong in women’s prisons, so the state should keep them out.

By the time she completed her sentence and launched a ministry dedicated to supporting women in prison, the problem of men in women’s spaces had swelled into a much bigger political issue, with California allowing prisoners to request transfers out of male prisons into women’s facilities.

Female inmates, their families, and legal advocates worry that male prisoners adopt a transgender identity just to get access to the women’s facilities, where they can threaten women’s safety and disrupt the rehabilitation process. For the state, the dilemma becomes how to keep those women safe while also protecting male prisoners whose gender dysphoria puts them at risk among the male prison population.

With advocacy groups staking staunch positions on either side, Ichikawa’s nonprofit Woman II Woman and evangelical allies in California are speaking out for what they see as common-sense reform to keep men from transferring into women’s prisons.

“Everything is prioritized over incarcerated women’s mental health and physical wellbeing,” according to the leaders of Woman II Woman. “We believe everyone should be treated with respect, agency and dignity, and that one community’s safety cannot come at the cost of another’s.”

The Trump administration has boosted their position. When he took office in January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order barring men from single-sex spaces designated for women, including prisons. But that order was quickly challenged by lawsuits and may take months to sort out, leading the administration to try another tactic to get states to comply.

Earlier this month, US Attorney General Pam Bondi said the administration would pull federal funding from the Maine Department of Corrections because the state was housing a male inmate in a women’s prison. Bondi said Minnesota and California would be next.

California began housing prisoners according to self-reported gender identity five years ago, after passing Senate Bill 132.

The new law came into effect just as Ichikawa launched Woman II Woman, which advocates for the safety and dignity of women in prison and teaches, “The only way to complete rehabilitation from a lifestyle that led to incarceration is through a relationship with … Jesus Christ.”

Ichikawa had served time for a crime she committed back in her 20s, when she hung out with drug dealers and dated a gang member. She and her boyfriend kidnapped a woman who owed her money, and they held her at gunpoint. Armed kidnapping typically carries a life sentence in California, but Ichikawa struck a deal for five years in prison and an instant two strikes on her record. One more felony, and she’ll get life.

In prison, she was a self-centered “user of Jesus,” as she put it, leaning on God to get her through the sentence but not reconsidering her life choices. When she was released, she said she went back to her old life, “living very selfishly, doing my own thing, not any dependency on the Lord.”

Over the years, her faith deepened, and she prayed for an opportunity to use her experience to help more women in the correctional system. After founding Woman II Woman, Ichikawa kept hearing from inmates—she said it felt like “20 calls a day”—asking how rapists and sex offenders had gotten approval for transfers to the women’s prison.

Such moves aggravated the trauma that many women carry with them to prison. More than 70 percent of incarcerated women report experiencing threats, violence, and abuse at the hands of former partners.

Two women Ichikawa spoke with sought transfers once they learned that their ex-boyfriends, who were also incarcerated, had begun identifying as women and were moving over to the same facility as them. One woman told Ichikawa that the last time she saw her ex, he said, “Next time I see you, I will kill you.” She managed to transfer out the same week her ex showed up.

The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has received 885 requests seeking transfers to women’s prisons. The department has approved 45 such transfers, and 211 more applications are currently pending.

In all, over 2,000 people in California prisons identify as transgender, non-binary, or intersex, and around 1 in 7 prisoners at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) in Chowchilla—one of the largest women’s prisons in the country—are listed as male.

At CCWF, prisoners who transferred from male facilities eat in the same dining halls as women, take the same classes, shower in the same bathrooms, and spend the night in the same eight-person cells—each roughly the size of a two-car garage. 

In that confined space, one of those transfers, Tremaine Carroll, allegedly raped an incarcerated woman within three days of arriving at the prison in 2024. Others in the prison told me Carroll abused, raped, or impregnated multiple women. I wrote to Carroll, who admitted to fathering a child with a female prisoner but denies it was rape.

Carroll is now back at a men’s facility. Since 2021, officials order three prisoners who transferred to women’s facilities to return to their previous institutions.

Joanna Gomez, who is serving a life sentence for first-degree murder at CCWF, told me Carroll raped her roommate. “Most of the dudes get away with more than us females,” Gomez said. Sexual abuse and fights happen after 9:15 p.m., when cells are locked up for the night. “During first watch, aka graveyard shift, there’s no one coming to our rescue,” she said.

Multiple female prisoners at CCWF told CT that transfers from the male prison even ended up with better cell assignments or fewer roommates after they assaulted, bullied, and attacked women.

“It boggles my mind that these men have all their anatomy and can still live in the same room with us,” said Michelle, a prisoner at CCWF who asked to withhold her last name for fear of retribution.

Many prisoners revile the new inmates, but others revert back to patterns of trauma they experienced prior to incarceration. “Some of the women here are so broken … they seek solace in the comfort of these men,” Michelle said. 

The state says it does not track incidents of sexual violence broken out by gender identity, but a 2022 affidavit filed by the Women’s Liberation Front detailed at least 17 incidents where transfers physically or sexually harassed women or engaged in lewd behavior in the first year alone.

Woman II Woman wants to see reform so women don’t continue to face such threats.

“Women’s involvement in the justice system is largely tied to their experiences of male violence,” the ministry states. “A humane justice system must recognize the unique needs of our community and ensure that we are not housed in situations that are triggers for us and completely detrimental to our rehabilitation, mental health and well being.”

Ichikawa has gotten to know as many people involved in this issue as she could—women spending life in prison for murder, prisoners who were convicted of sex crimes as men but now live in women’s prisons, prisoners who identify as transgender women in both facilities, and men in all-male facilities. She believes men and women, regardless of their criminal backgrounds and even past sexual offenses, are “being done a great disservice” by the prison system under such policies.

She speaks regularly with Michelle-Lael Norsworthy, who was incarcerated at a men’s prison in California and sought treatment for gender dysphoria. After surviving a gang rape and contracting Hepatitis C, Norsworthy sued and won a transfer to a women’s facility. There, Norsworthy finished serving time and was released on good behavior. 

Ichikawa believes Norsworthy was truly victimized and wasn’t safe in a men’s prison. Back in 2015, Norsworthy successfully sued and won the right for California to pay for sex reassignment surgery, setting a precedent for other inmates to have the state cover hormone and surgical treatments. But Norsworthy is suing the state again, this time for complications from the surgeries.  

Though an advocate for transgender rights, Norsworthy also recognizes how the loophole has allowed men to manipulate the system. “I am sick and tired of having more power and right to be a woman than a woman who was born a woman,” Norsworthy told the media outlet Reduxx.

Ichikawa texts with Carroll, who was accused of raping female inmates and fathering at least one child while housed in a women’s prison.  Carroll denied the rape allegations and told CT that “those that had actual dislike for me were those that had romantic interests in me that I didn’t reciprocate.”

She also hears from men in men’s prisons, many of whom do not think it was a good idea for men to get access to women’s prisons.

According to California’s latest official population count, 250 inmates are listed as male and 1,701 as female at CCWF. According to the corrections department, workers verify gender data with an official document such as a driver’s license, birth certificate, or passport. Unlike most states, California does not require a doctor’s note for residents change the sex on their birth certificates, and prisoners in California also don’t need proof of medical intervention to transfer to a prison for those of the opposite sex.  

Ichikawa says there’s little chance of overturning the original California law that allows for housing transfers based on self-identified gender. And challenges to Trump’s executive order have left people hoping for a change at an impasse. So Ichikawa proposed a compromise.

At the end of March, Woman II Woman cosponsored California Senate Bill 311, which would designate a separate unit within both of the state’s women’s prisons just for transgender inmates. They could eat meals and attend classes with the rest of the prison population, but they would have to live and sleep apart. This would limit the potential for abuse after evening lockup and afford women more privacy.

Legislators agreed to give the bill a hearing in Sacramento this week.

Ichikawa admits she isn’t sold on this in-between solution and worries the bill will not get support from either women’s rights or transgender rights groups. The female inmates, for their part, said it’s a concession they’ll be okay living with. And Christian advocacy groups in California agreed.

“Is it ideal? No. But they’re finally acknowledging this is a problem,” said Greg Burt, vice president of the California Family Council.

Gary Cass, an elder at Christ Community Church in San Diego and a Christian radio host, said he’s hopeful that the proposal will finally generate a rational conversation on the issue, even if the bill likely won’t pass.   

Both Burt and Cass foresee California’s prisons developing separate units for transgender prisoners in both the men’s and women’s facilities.

Most incarcerated men and women just want to serve their sentences, be rehabilitated, and be freed, said Ichikawa, but all that is lost if men and women are housed together. Men will pose a threat. Women won’t be able to heal from abuse. And the prisoners who experience gender dysphoria won’t fit in either space, especially if they struggle with lust, trauma, or both. All need a path forward. 

News
Wire Story

Trump Is Underwater with Most Americans but Not White Evangelicals

In a Pew survey marking 100 days in office, 72 percent of white evangelical Protestants approve of his job as president.

Boy in MAGA hat and flag jacket stands outside White House gate
Christianity Today April 29, 2025
Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images / Middle East Images via AFP / Getty

One hundred days into President Donald Trump’s second term and white evangelicals continue to be among his strongest supporters, a new study reveals.

The findings, put out by Pew Research Center, were released to coincide with Trump’s first 100 days in office on Wednesday.

The report found that 72 percent of white evangelical Christians approve of the way Trump is currently handling his job as commander-in-chief.

That level of support, however, isn’t shared by Americans of other Christian denominations: White nonevangelical Protestants and white Catholics are much more divided, with 51 percent in each of those groups approving of the job Trump has been doing.

This new data should come as no surprise since evangelicals overwhelmingly supported Trump in 2024, because they gave him a tremendous amount of support in both 2016 and 2020.

It’s noteworthy that Trump has continued to make inroads among evangelicals—his share of the vote went from 70 percent to 75 percent in the last three elections.

By contrast, majorities of Black Protestants, Hispanic Catholics, and those who identify as atheist or agnostic say they disapprove of how Trump is handling the job.

These divides, Pew found in the study released Monday, largely reflect partisan differences among Americans. White evangelicals largely identify as Republican, while most Black Protestants, Hispanic Catholics, and religiously unaffiliated adults are Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents.

In his first 100 days, Trump has moved swiftly to reassert his agenda, focusing on border security and deregulation, while employing his typically combative style to issue such as international trade. Backed by a Republican-controlled Congress, Trump reinstated many policies rolled back during the Biden administration, including stricter immigration enforcement and expanded fossil fuel production.

Trump has also pushed his agenda by pushing sweeping executive orders. While much of his base remains energized, Trump’s return to the White House has deepened partisan divisions, with large protests and legal challenges unfolding across the country.

Overall, Trump’s job approval rating is down seven percentage points since February. There have been similar declines among individual religious groups:

  • a six-point drop among White evangelicals (from 78% to 72%)
  • an eight-point drop among Black Protestants (from 18% to 10%)
  • an eight-point drop among White Catholics (from 59% to 51%)
  • a seven-point drop among religiously unaffiliated Americans (from 33% to 26%)

Both among the US public in general and specifically among major religious groups, Trump’s approval ratings are similar to that of the first 100 days of his first term in April 2017.

In addition, white evangelical Protestants remain a stronghold of support for Trump when it comes to more specific qualities, with 57 percent saying they trust his words more than those of previous US presidents.

Pew found that another 23 percent place Trump on par with his predecessors when it comes to trustworthiness, while nearly a smaller share of 19 percent said they trust him less.

The sentiment is more divided among other white Christian groups. Both white nonevangelical Protestants and white Catholics are evenly split—roughly four in ten in each group say they trust Trump more than earlier presidents, while a similar number express less trust. About one in five view his statements as equally credible.

Meanwhile, skepticism runs deeper among Black Protestants and the religiously unaffiliated. Nearly two-thirds of both groups, 65 percent and 64 percent, respectively, told Pew they trust what Trump says less than what they heard from past presidents.

Trump has made great use of executive orders—something that majorities of Black Protestants (70%) and religiously unaffiliated adults (62%) say the president is doing too much of to start off his second term. This is also a common view among Hispanic Catholics (58%), white nonevangelical Protestants (48%), and white Catholics (46%).

Once again, white evangelicals didn’t take this view. Pew said only 27 percent agreed that Trump had made too much use of executive orders to push his agenda.

Pew’s findings were based on a survey of 3,589 US adults conducted between April 7-13.

Culture

Josh Garrels Is Making Music Again

Nearly 15 years since “Love & War & the Sea In Between,” the singer-songwriter is moving into the next phase of his career.

Josh Garrels singing and playing the guitar
Christianity Today April 29, 2025
Courtesy of Josh Garrels

These days, Josh Garrels spends a lot of time in the loft of the barn on his property in rural Michigan, where he lives with his wife and five children. The space doesn’t look as if it’s been home to barn owls in a while; Garrels recently finished enclosing it and turning it into a studio. There’s fresh green paint on the walls and can lights in the ceiling.

The 44-year-old singer-songwriter has been recording new music in the loft—but that wasn’t a sure thing when he started the renovation a couple years ago.

In 2011, Garrels’s album Love & War & the Sea In Between made waves in the Christian music industry (it was CT’s 2011 album of the year) and in the mainstream. The then-Portland-based artist was hailed as a prophetic truth teller with an independent ethos. His honest lyrics about faith endeared him to Christian audiences, seekers, and nonreligious listeners, who found his frankness and introspection refreshing. Garrels also gave away his music for free, taking inspiration from Keith Green, a Christian musician who did the same in the late 1970s.

Despite finding a devoted fan base and earning critical acclaim, Garrels never really felt at home in the music industry. Instead of moving to Nashville or another creative hub in the wake of Love & War’s success, he and his wife decided to return to the Midwest. Over time, Garrels started to wonder if it was time to walk away from professional music making. He released the album Early Work, Vol. 2 in 2021, then took a sabbatical to see if God was asking him to move on.

Now, after a season of being ready to let go, Garrels feels new confidence as he moves into the next phase of his music career—even if he’s not sure exactly how it will look or sound.

He’s composing the score for the animated short film Forevergreen, which releases this fall.

And his forthcoming album, Peace to All Who Enter Here, Vol. 2 is in progress, with a planned late-summer release. Garrels has been putting out new singles from the album, starting with “All in All,” a blues-inflected folk-rock song that showcases his warm, mellow voice. “Rock My Soul,” released in May 2024, is an unexpected, reggae-infused groove , indicative of Garrels’s renewed creative energy and interest in experimenting with genre.

Garrels spoke with CT about his faith and work since Love & War & the Sea In Between and his ongoing search for signs of life in the American church.

Your album Love & War & the Sea In Between was Christianity Today’s album of the year in 2011. One of the things that stood out to listeners at the time was your unbridled honesty about doubt. As you look back at that album now, does it still reflect the way you feel and think about faith?

My faith has grown and changed over the last 14 years. In some ways, I look back at that time, and compared to where I am now, I could look at it as naiveté.

I came to faith later in life, and there’s a beauty to that. It was like Neo in The Matrix taking the red pill. My eyes were opened to the alternate reality of the kingdom. It was like I’d never heard birdsong before.

Fast-forward to 2011. I’m 31, we have a second kid on the way. We moved to Portland, Oregon. It was the first time I was putting my full weight on music as a profession. Before that, I’d been preaching and making music. I was seeing this wave of close friends walk away from the faith and marriages failing.

That was the place from which Love & War was written. Call it what you will, but I saw it as a spiritual conflict that I was in the midst of. I saw this wreckage all around me, and I was asking, “What is happening?”

At the same time, I was watching a lot of war documentaries and thinking about the interplay and the correlation between spiritual deceit and deceit in politics. And I think all of that most certainly applies to where we are now.

Deconstruction has become an overused term, but it seems accurate to say that deconstruction was in part what you were responding to in 2011, maybe even actively pushing against.

I think every narrative we’re given in this world outside of the Lord’s is pitted against our faith. But I also think it’s good to recognize the elephant in the room: Jesus told us that we’re supposed to be raising the dead and the sick should be being healed. There’s this list of wild things. We have such high hopes, and then we don’t see those things happen.

And when we don’t see those things happen or we’re embedded in a Christian church or subculture that feels vacuous, faith can become this cliché, passive thing.

That’s the point where it’s okay to ask questions. But there’s also a decision that has to be made: Are you going to turn this into criticism, critique, and bitterness? Do you go find your favorite theology that matches your experience and turns everyone else into the enemy, and then post a bunch of YouTube videos? Are you going to walk away?

Or we can recognize the tension. We can recognize the unanswered questions and the hopes that have not been fulfilled yet. And we can continue daily to hold them before the Lord and say, “I choose to believe you’re greater than even any of these people are telling me you are.”

That crossroads is difficult, and I think it’s where so many give in to frustration, anger, or sadness. The suffering is too much.

To pretend that’s not happening would be silly. But I’m searching for signs of life while recognizing all of that.

I imagine that as a musician living in rural Michigan, you might find it hard to find a vibrant songwriting or musical community. Was there a time when you thought you might end up in a place like Nashville, where there’s a more concentrated faith-oriented creative community?

My wife grew up in the jungle in Peru as a missionary kid. I grew up in a weird cult commune in Indiana. I’ve never been part of the dominant culture. It was tempting, early on, to move to a place like Nashville because I thought that might be the ticket to having a sustainable music career.

I rely heavily on intuition and feeling, maybe too much so sometimes, but I will follow it when I’m making a decision. Early on, I ended up just saying no to all the opportunities, all the offers, but still taking each one seriously at the same time. I wasn’t just being a snob. I would think about it and say to myself, “That sounds awesome,” but then it wouldn’t feel right.

There are times when my wife and I wonder, Why did we choose such an obscure path and then keep choosing it over and over? I think this strange path we’ve been on is just God’s school for us.

How do you think that relative isolation has served you as a writer and musician over the years?

If I’m honest, I sometimes think it doesn’t. Especially when I look over at my peers who have migrated to Nashville and the support network they’ve built. Sometimes it does sound nice to be on a label or have an advance for the next project. And the excitement of collaboration is really special when you’re in the midst of it. That’s the part I really long for at times.

But I do think that in places like Nashville it’s possible to end up in a feedback loop, and in our worst moments we end up just looking around at what everyone else is doing: What’s hot right now? Who’s the good mixer? Who do we want in the room? What was big on the charts last year? Even if no one’s saying it out loud, there’s that kind of momentum when you’re in an industry that’s the bread and butter of a whole city.

I think maybe I know myself well enough to know that I might end up being the one looking around at what everyone else is doing. That’s part of the reason I’ve pulled out of social media; I maybe engage with it once a month. I can only take so much comparison before I become paralyzed.

There needs to be some referencing in creative work; you can’t create in a vacuum. No one does. So I still have my touchpoints.

The choice not to locate to a major metro area has had some costs, but you’ve been making career decisions to give up potential profits for a long time. You’ve been giving away music for free since the prestreaming era, right?

When I was a brand-new Christian, I read No Compromise, the biography of Keith Green written by his wife, Melody. It was handed to me when I was wet cement.

I didn’t even know who Keith Green was, but I was touched by the book, and it left me with this sense of “I think I’m a Christian; I love music; I guess this is how you go about it.” In some ways, it was a divine appointment, being given that book as a 20-year-old.

When Myspace came along, musicians could just post their songs. People sent me live recordings they had made of my concerts, so I could find a good song and post it. All of a sudden, my music could be downloaded hundreds or thousands of times.

As an independent artist, there was so much excitement in being able to give my music away for free. It could only help me to take barriers down between fans and what I was creating.

By the time I recorded Love & War & the Sea In Between in 2011, groups like Radiohead had already experimented with giving away whole albums for free. I had spent a lot of time and energy on the album, and I was confident that it was a good one. Then one day, when I was praying, saying, “I want you to have the glory, Lord,” God broke into my reality and said, “Then give it to me.” And I knew, however I chose to answer that, I would be held to account.

So for one year, if anyone bought the album, we gave the money away. I can’t remember exact numbers, but I think we gave away over 100,000 albums. Before Spotify, those were big numbers. And even giving the album revenue away, we were able to pay off our debts and put a down payment on a house. It was one of those classic examples of “I gave something away, and he filled my lap to overflowing.”

In your discography, there’s a lot of music that could be marketed as worship music, but you seem to have resisted the label. How do you see your music’s relationship to congregational worship?

Early on in my career, I would try my hand at writing congregational music, and it just never felt right. Writing as a singer-songwriter, storytelling about faith, that felt so natural.

But as I’ve grown and matured, I see more and more the need for songs outside the personal singer-songwriter space. Songs that proclaim, worship, praise, or at times teach theology—I’ve become more intrigued with the possibility that a song could touch all of us and that those words could enter our hearts and change us.

When you look at the American church right now, are there songs you would want to give its congregations to sing together? Are there truths or ideas you think you could help the church sing to God or each other?

I do see some things in our divisive time that I would like the church to come to terms with. How do we correct in a way that brings liberation and healing and restoration and faith building and not just more angry divisiveness?

When I was a new believer, someone put their hand on my shoulder, looked me in the eyes, and said, “This goes as deep and far as you want to go with it.” And that was like music to my ears. We can pioneer with the Lord, and there are things we can find that are special and distinct for our time.

I’m not saying we add to the truth. But how can we take this dynamic, limitless truth of the living God that we find in Scripture and just keep turning that diamond and finding new refractions? Let’s retell the story.

News

T.D. Jakes Hands Over Leadership of Dallas Megachurch

The next generation takes the helm at The Potter’s House.

T. D. Jakes in a suit next to daughter Sarah Jakes Roberts

Sarah Jakes Roberts and T. D. Jakes

Christianity Today Updated July 7, 2025
Eugenia R. Washington / Getty Images

Key Updates

July 7, 2025

The Potter’s House, the Dallas-based megachurch led by Bishop T. D. Jakes, formally installed Jakes’s daughter and son-in-law—Sarah Jakes Roberts and Touré Roberts—as co–senior pastors on Sunday, ushering in a new era of leadership for the prominent ministry. 

The Robertses were inaugurated during a nearly four-hour service, which was held in the packed 8,000-plus seat church sanctuary filled with members, guests, and dozens of ministers, including elders and deacons. The couple wore black suits and white clerical collars.

Attendees worshipped alongside gospel musician Judith Christie McAllister and cheered as speaker Cindy Trimm paid a warm tribute to Jakes and his family in a message titled “The Last Sermon: Leadership Redefined.” 

Jakes said during the service that a lot has changed in the world since he founded the church nearly three decades ago. He noted the country has gone through traumatic events, such as the September 11 attacks, Hurricane Katrina, and the COVID-19 pandemic. But he said he was thankful for how The Potter’s House has helped people in spiritual and practical ways.

“I don’t know what the future holds,” Jakes said. “But the same God that brought us through 29 years will take us and our children through the next 29 years.”

Near the end of the church service, he charged the Robertses to serve and love the congregation, and told the members to submit to the couple’s leadership and encourage them. 

April 28, 2025

Bishop T. D. Jakes, one of the most prominent ministers in the United States, plans to step down from his Dallas megachurch later this year, appointing his daughter and son-in-law as his successors.

Jakes shared the news on Sunday during an emotional service at The Potter’s House, the predominantly Black, 30,000-member nondenominational church he founded nearly three decades ago. 

The announcement came a month after the fiery 67-year-old pastor disclosed he had suffered a heart attack while preaching a sermon in November. But plans for assistant pastors Sarah Jakes Roberts and Touré Roberts to step into leadership had been in the works for a few years, he said.

“I cannot afford, especially after November, to risk something happening to me,” Jakes told his congregation, “and that you be sheep without a shepherd.” 

The Robertses are expected to take over as senior pastors in July, when the church celebrates its anniversary. Jakes said the couple has already been running things behind the scenes since early November. 

“This is legacy,” he said, “not because they’re kin but because … they’ve immersed themselves into the DNA of this church for years.”

Jakes has long-standing relationships with celebrities like Tyler Perry and Oprah, and his influence has spanned beyond the Black church to the wider culture, helping produce movies like Miracles from Heaven, building out real estate and affordable-housing ventures, and investing in community development.

Though there were some budding Black megachurches before Jakes came along, his ministry in many ways represented a “paradigm shift,” said Jamal-Dominique Hopkins, associate professor of Christian Scriptures at Baylor University, where he also serves as director of the school’s Black Church Studies Program.

The Potter’s House flourished in the age of televangelism, and Jakes and his church became a model ministry that “captured the imaginations of many who would come after,” Hopkins said. “Ministries wanted to be like T. D. Jakes.”

A popular speaker and best-selling author spanning decades, Jakes has also navigated theological challenges around his teachings and lifestyle. Over the years, he has responded to questions over whether his messaging about healing and economic empowerment verged on prosperity gospel and over his decision to move away from Oneness Pentecostalism to affirm the Trinity.

When announcing the leadership transition on Sunday, Jakes talked about the importance of “letting go,” saying that he had seen too “many men build something and stay so long that they’ve killed what they’ve built.” 

He said that amid all the changes in society, the church can benefit from fresh vision under the new pastors and that stepping back from his pastoral duties will give him the chance to focus on community work. Jakes will remain chairman of the church’s board. 

The Robertses currently oversee another church location in Los Angeles, which was founded and led by Touré Roberts before it joined The Potter’s House. The couple, who together have six children, moved to Dallas three years ago to become more involved in the church’s main campus.

In 2022, T. D. Jakes passed the torch of his popular “Woman, Thou Art Loosed!” conference to his daughter, who now runs it as “Woman Evolve.” The following year, the Robertses were installed as assistant pastors of The Potter’s House. 

Since entering ministry, Sarah Jakes Roberts, now 36, has accumulated a following among women, including Black Christian women drawn to her authenticity and testimony. Roberts describes the shame of becoming pregnant at 13 and going on to drop out of college and wait tables at a strip club. In 2012, still in her early 20s, she filed for divorce from her first marriage due to infidelity. 

“Think we can all agree this isn’t how we saw my life playing out,” Roberts, now 36, said on Sunday as tears slipped down her face. “If I’m honest, I’ve been wondering if I have what it takes to do it the way you guys have done it or to take it even further. God then showed me you all didn’t know if you had what it took either. But God gave you the GPS to find what it took to [do] the assignment.”

“I believe the same God that has ordered your steps … is going to order our steps,” she said, telling her father that she is happy he will finally get some rest.

Meanwhile, Touré Roberts said the two will build on the foundation they’ve been given “with humility, with prayer, with integrity, with holiness and sacrifice.”

News

Does Imprisoning Migrants in El Salvador Amount to Trafficking?

Christian legal experts debate whether Trump’s deportations to a foreign megaprison cross the line into exploitation.

Detainees at El Salvador's CECOT prison in 2023

Detainees at El Salvador's CECOT prison in 2023

Christianity Today April 28, 2025
Handout / Presidencia El Salvador via Getty Images

During his first term, President Donald Trump signed an updated version of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, the key law that guides federal efforts to combat human trafficking in the United States and abroad. The revised version specified that not only criminal groups but also governments should be held accountable for any “policy or pattern of … trafficking in government-funded programs.”

At the Oval Office signing ceremony, the president spoke about the country’s obligation to fight the growing global problem. “You would think that was an ancient form of criminality,” Trump told reporters in early 2019. “It’s not. It’s a very modern-day form.”

So it was all the more surprising for Chris Gooding on March 16 of this year, the day he saw the news that the administration had deported more than 200 Venezuelan men to El Salvador and was paying the country to house them at a maximum-security superprison.

Gooding, an assistant professor of theology at Marquette University, had studied trafficking in India—first as an intern with International Justice Mission in the early 2000s and years later as part of his doctoral dissertation. He had written a book about modern slavery and theology. He thought he knew trafficking when he saw it.

In the deportations to El Salvador, Gooding spotted red flags everywhere. Both governments seemed to be taking advantage of the men’s lack of legal status, depriving at least some of them of the opportunity to contest their removal, a constitutional right that US courts have since reaffirmed.

While the US government temporarily detains immigrants every day, this case was different: The government seemed to be imprisoning Venezuelans indefinitely without convicting or sentencing them for any crime. It instead repeated the blanket assertion that they are members of the transnational Tren de Aragua gang—despite mounting evidence that many or even most may not be.

Beyond that, the government of El Salvador seemed to be profiting from taking possession of the men. In addition to billing an estimated $20,000 per imprisoned migrant, Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele insinuated that the country might force the men to work in its prison labor program, a statement that alarmed watchdog groups.

To Gooding, all of it felt characteristic of state-sponsored human trafficking. The story dominated headlines—in particular when the administration admitted that among a group of Salvadorans also deported to the prison was a man, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who had been deported by mistake. (The government now says Abrego Garcia himself was suspected of human trafficking during a traffic stop in 2022, though police did not arrest him and never brought charges.)

Yet Gooding heard only silence from advocates for victims of trafficking.

“Ten, twenty years ago, if such a thing was done by the Chinese government, we would call it out as a form of human trafficking,” Gooding told CT. “I haven’t heard anything from the general anti-trafficking community.”

Combatting human trafficking is a favorite evangelical cause, and those abolitionist convictions have often spilled over into politics. Recently, several ministries openly opposed Trump’s nomination of former representative Matt Gaetz for US attorney general. The Department of Justice had investigated him for sex trafficking without bringing any charges. Gaetz eventually withdrew.

If anyone should be speaking up about the El Salvador arrangement, Gooding thought, it’s anti-trafficking Christians—a group guided not only by biblical mandates to welcome the stranger but also by passion for helping victims who have been deprived of their legal rights. So he wrote an op-ed and braced for blowback. But none came.

“I haven’t received any pushback,” he said. “I actually kind of thought it would be more controversial.”

Gooding isn’t alone in making the case that the deportations to El Salvador equate to human trafficking. Human rights groups have raised similar concerns, especially in mid-April, when Bukele spoke of the deportees as if they were chattel, offering to exchange them for political prisoners in Venezuela.

But legal experts say it’s one thing to believe a situation is trafficking, and it’s another to prove it to a court. Persuading a judge or the International Criminal Court that Trump and Bukele are engaging in state-sponsored trafficking could be an uphill battle.

Human trafficking involves the use of force, fraud, or coercion to exploit others, said Nate Knapper, president of The Joseph Project, a ministry that connects trafficking survivors with pro bono legal representation. No one denies that the government used force to arrest Venezuelan migrants and move them across international boundaries. But to elevate that to a trafficking crime under US law, a prosecutor would have to show that Bukele or Trump intended to exploit the migrants—the legal concept known as mens rea.

“It is not clear to me that there is an intent to exploit on behalf of either government,” Knapper said. “You would have to have very strong evidence. I think the burden of proof would be very high here.”

If migrants were improperly detained and spirited off to a third country but there was no intent to benefit from their labor, “it falls more closely in line with an abduction or hostage situation,” said Meg Kelsey, director of the Center for Global Justice at Regent University’s law school.

Much of the argument for classifying the deportations as trafficking hinges on whether the government denied migrants their legal due process. Even for individuals who are part of a gang, if they never get a chance to dispute the allegation or to appeal their removal, that would be a constitutional violation on its own: In early April, the Supreme Court underscored that migrants have the right to contest their deportation.

What concerns human rights advocates even more is the prospect that some wrongfully deported migrants might be working in a prison labor system.

In March, when Bukele announced that the first planes carrying US detainees had landed in El Salvador, he also promoted his prison labor program called “Zero Idleness,” leaving the impression that deportees may be made to work sewing uniforms, growing crops, or building roads. It’s unclear how many, if any, of the deported immigrants are part of the program. Bukele said more than 40,000 people are participating, or about 40 percent of El Salvador’s prison population.

In the United States, the 13th Amendment allows prison labor as the only legal form of involuntary servitude, provided it’s performed as punishment for a crime after a court conviction. If indeed some of the deported Venezuelans were denied due process and found to be working in prison, “anything that you use normally to distinguish between incarceration and enslavement is pulled completely out of the picture,” Gooding said. “It collapses into a situation of human trafficking.”

Several attorneys told CT they thought it would be difficult to prove in court that the two countries are exploiting the Venezuelans specifically for work. “The governments are going to be smart enough not to have a traceable policy saying that we know this is for the purpose of labor,” Kelsey said.

Still, Gooding doesn’t think that disqualifies the deportations as trafficking or modern slavery. He cites the research of Orlando Patterson, a historian and sociologist at Harvard University who has produced some of the most influential scholarship in modern abolitionism. Patterson documented enslaved people around the world who did not work for their masters—who may have even been a financial burden—but who served as trophies to boost their masters’ prestige.

“I think it’s important to ask the question ‘What does Trump get out of this?’ He’s clearly using the public, violent degradation of these people to increase his power,” Gooding said. “And that’s what slavery is about.”

A prosecutor would have to demonstrate that any benefit to either Bukele or Trump was measurable, Knapper said. The benefit to Bukele’s government is obvious: The Salvadoran president said the US is paying $6 million in the first year of what could become an ongoing arrangement of indefinite incarceration at a massive prison known as the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT.

How the Trump administration benefits is less clear. Using prisons in El Salvador potentially means building fewer prisons in the US. Perhaps most importantly, the administration has leveraged CECOT as a high-value publicity prop: Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem stood there before cameras and warned immigrants that they could become the scared, silent men crowded in a cell behind her. Trump has shared Salvadoran promotional videos of the prison on his personal social media accounts.

“There’s a celebratory aspect of it that is just bananas,” Gooding said.

Trafficking or not, the situation raises a long list of other concerns, lawyers said. Other countries have faced recent criticism for outsourcing immigration detention, though none has directly contracted with a foreign government to incarcerate deportees. Italy this month deported its first wave of migrants to Italian-run detention centers in Albania. Migrant lawyers have sued the nations of Costa Rica and Panama for their role in detaining deportees from the US.

In El Salvador, rights groups say CECOT subjects prisoners to inhumane conditions, including torture. They say presumably innocent individuals, possibly including US deportees, are housed with convicted violent offenders. If true, that would violate several United Nations standards.

“This is obviously a horrendous mash-up of all different stages of innocence in this population. So there are certainly issues with that and potentially due process,” Kelsey said.

“Any Christian who follows the messiah who proclaimed release to the captives should be appalled by this,” Gooding said. “There’s a core conflict in the Gospels between the kind of power the Messiah wields and the kind of power Caesar wields. The former liberates and serves; the latter dominates and enslaves.”

For now, determining whether the arrangement amounts to trafficking may be impossible simply because the administration has released so few details. Lawmakers have unsuccessfully ordered the State Department to provide them with a copy of the agreement, arguing the administration is violating multiple laws by keeping it secret.

“That doesn’t deny that there could be civil remedies for those who have been wronged,” Kelsey said. “This is just the beginning of the question and pushback to what’s happened in the past couple of weeks.”

Andy Olsen is senior features writer at Christianity Today.

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