"I hate politics … I started getting involved in it in recent years because of one issue … the need for immigration reform. 12 million people living and working in our country … and there's no sane path toward citizenship for these 12 million undocumented workers —Bill Hybels, Willow Creek Community Church (Sermon excerpt), April 13, 2014
Rosa was one of our most faithful leaders at the rural Central California church I pastored. She was born in Michoacan, Mexico, where her family had operated a small corn farm for eight generations. Then, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) passed, allowing subsidized American agribusinesses to sell corn in Michoacan at prices that undercut local farmers. Rosa lost her family farm. A recent widow, she was the sole support for her children. The economic crisis following NAFTA left her without options for local employment. She left her home and went to work in a multinational factory just on the Mexican side of the border—until it moved to Indonesia (where they could pay even less than they paid in Mexico). At that point, Rosa crossed the U.S. border and came to work in the fields.
Over 80 percent of America's agricultural workforce has been imported for most of U.S. history (from slavery to the bracero program). But since 1995, we only allow 5,000 visas per year for all unskilled workers—including all agricultural workers. Our tiny guest worker program (about 200,000 visas per year) cannot begin to fill the gap. Rosa's employer needed her labor and she needed to feed her family, but there was no possibility for her to obtain legal status.
So Rosa left her older children in Mexico with her mother, but brought her toddler with her. Jose grew up as an "all-American kid" (good grades, Little League, paper route), and married Kathy, his high school sweetheart. When she became pregnant, she petitioned for him. Then they discovered that a clause in the 1996 immigration legislation required anyone without legal documentation for over one year to return to his/her home country for 10 years before being considered for legal immigration status. Kathy and Jose had to decide whether she would leave her whole extended family and give birth to her first child in Mexico or give birth separated from her husband and without his support.
Most Hispanic pastors have a "Rosa," "Jose," or "Kathy" in their congregation. As Richard Land, former vice-president of the Southern Baptist Church, says, our broken immigration system communicates a double message to millions. "We need your labor," it says, "but we won't provide you with any legal options."
A Failing System
My grandparents were legal immigrants at a point when the system worked fairly well. I was born and raised in Los Angeles; I have always known and often ministered to and with immigrants. Unfortunately, we no longer have a system that our grandparents would recognize. Most Americans know that the current system is ineffective. A step closer, you discover that it is also illogical. If you have regular contact with the system, you see that it is inhumane.
When most Americans learn about the many cruel and illogical aspects of our system, they want to clean it up. When Senators John McCain and Teddy Kennedy proposed a bipartisan set of strategies in 2007, a New York Times/CBS News poll showed that over two-thirds of Americans supported most of the major provisions of the bill. However, the calls to legislators at the time were 50 to 1 against immigration reform. Why the difference between the survey responses and the calls? Simply put, the average American doesn't contact their congressperson unless they are personally affected by a bill—and most Americans are not personally affected by immigration.
If you have regular contact with the system, you see that it is inhumane.
In 2007, I decided that we would never be able to reform our broken immigration system unless Bible-believing churches stepped up and advocated for sane, humane, and effective immigration policy. I was not alone; at the same time, God began to raise up Christian leaders around the country who were moved to respond.
There's something special that the church can contribute to immigration reform. We are the only group in our society mandated to care about people outside our immediate circle. Over 92 Bible passages, and a rich historic theology, call God's people to welcome strangers. But of course, not all evangelical Christians have seen the issue the same way.
Changing Opinion
In 2007, 83 percent of white evangelicals were opposed to immigration reform. By 2010, however, research by a Gordon College professor found that 54 percent of white evangelicals supported a public policy that includes "creating a way for illegal immigrants already here to become citizens if they meet certain requirements." That's a significant shift in the numbers. The shift resulted from what I'd call a "Hebrews 13:2, Ephesians 2:14-18, and John 17:21" experience that occurred almost simultaneously in evangelical centers around the country, creating a national movement.
In 2006, 50 Hispanic pastors from Southern California attended Esperanza U.S.A.'s National Prayer Breakfast with President George W. Bush. Upon returning, they created La Red de Pastores del Sur de California to advocate for a legislative solution to the growing pastoral crisis caused by the broken immigration system.
Rev. Rene Molina, a founding member of La Red, describes what led him to pursue policy advocacy:
"I came to this country undocumented. I accepted Christ here in Los Angeles. My wife and I prayed about whether to return, but we had just begun a church plant. We began with 10 members and now have a little over 4,000. Like Abraham, I believe that we were called here to bless this country. I finally now have legal immigration status, but there are many others who are here bringing a blessing whose contribution should be recognized."
Hebrews 13:2 calls us to "Not neglect to show hospitality to strangers because we may entertain angels unawares." The Greek word for angels can refer to any messenger of God—not only celestial beings. Molina's awareness of his call helped him overcome the fear and shame that keeps many undocumented people from sharing their stories.
In 2007, after a bipartisan push for reform failed, La Red helped begin a project to bring immigrant and non-immigrant evangelical congregations together. Over the years since then, the results have been unifying and powerful—key local leaders have gathered to pray and eat together, leading to ministries such as the Our Children project (bringing immigrant and non-immigrant volunteers together), and the Loving the Stranger network (partnering immigrant and non-immigrant churches) to respond to the pastoral crises of immigration. They have organized public events for the National Day of Prayer, and have trained volunteers for legislative advocacy, using an original model of faith-rooted organizing and biblically-based public policy.
During the same period, other evangelical efforts across the country were experiencing similarly powerful results. Matthew Soerens and Jenny Yang of World Relief, and Professor Daniel Carroll of Denver Seminary published seminal texts on the biblical rationale for supporting immigration reform. World Relief staff worked closely with Willow Creek—one of the largest evangelical churches in the country—to engage their leadership in advocacy for reform.
In 2011, World Relief and CLUE (Clergy and Laity United for Economic Justice) leaders with the National Association of Evangelicals' Policy Director began to work with the National Immigration Forum to organize the National Evangelical Immigration Table. From the beginning, the Table's Steering Committee included a very broad political spread—top-level Southern Baptist leaders and Sojourners, top level Hispanic Evangelicals from conservative and moderate networks. The Table circulated a statement advocating principles for immigration reform which has (as of the time of this writing) been signed by the leaders of 230 major moderate and conservative evangelical organizations, including denominational leaders and diverse national ministries, including from World Vision, Intervarsity, Esperanza USA, Sojourners, and Focus on the Family.
On June 12, 2012, the Table held a press conference in the Senate building. On June 15 the President gave an executive order to provide deferred action for childhood arrivals, thus allowing young people like Jose temporary permission to work and study in this country without fear of detention or deportation. White House staff members have said that they could not have taken this step without the support of the churches organized by the Table.
But all of it, even policy advocacy, starts with faith. Table efforts, including the "I Was a Stranger" challenge (taken by Tea Party leader Rand Paul and numerous pastors, churches, and legislators), and Pray4Reform gatherings (which engage legislators and churches in dialogue and prayer around a common table), have resulted in multiple education and mission programs between immigrant and non-immigrant churches. It's powerful to see how churches coming together can change hearts and minds.
According to that recent Gordon Conwell study, when white evangelicals hear a positive message from their pastor, the percentage that perceive immigrants as a threat drops significantly—from 50.7 percent to 26.1 percent. The percentage that perceives immigrants as contributing to American society and economy? It rises, from 21 percent to 47.8 percent. Our influence, in our words and posture as leaders, powerfully influences our churches.
In the end, it's about relationships. White evangelicals who worship with immigrants are much less likely to see immigrants as a threat (19.6%). While 54 percent of white evangelicals in general support a policy that includes "creating a way for illegal immigrants already here to become citizens if they meet certain requirements," more than 80 percent of white evangelicals who've heard a positive message about immigrants from their pastor support a path to legalization.
Looking Over The Border
In 2013, the Senate passed a bipartisan proposal for immigration reform—the only truly bipartisan legislation of the year. In the House, Republicans have espoused principles that resemble the legislation passed in the Senate but leadership has not yet been willing to take similar legislation to the floor. They cite concerns about the administration's will to implement immigration enforcement—even though the Obama administration has deported over 2 million immigrants—more than any administration in U.S. history.
America's immigration struggle is far from over, but Christians have had measurable impact. Our participation has crossed party lines to move the hearts of legislators and everyday people. However, the momentum has not been quite enough to move the House of Representatives. We have looked over the border of the wilderness into the Promised Land but we have not been able to enter yet. However, we have not lost hope that change can happen—and soon.
Rich Stearns, President of World Vision and a Table member, has said that immigration is one of the central civil rights issues of the 21st century. The church played a critical role in the civil rights movement of the 20th century. We may well turn out to be equally significant in this one.
Rev. Alexia Salvatierra is special assistant to the Bishop for Welcoming Congregations for the Southwest California Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, and an organizer of the Evangelical Immigration Table. She lives in Southern California.
Copyright © 2014 by the author or Christianity Today/Leadership Journal. Click here for reprint information on Leadership Journal.
