Dangers of a Giant Church

Do we need a Consultation against Church Union?

The Consultation on Church Union, which will hold its sixth annual meeting during the first week of May, has in fact become the Consultation for Church Union. By its very nature, the consultation is preoccupied with the favorable aspects of uniting the ten denominations now participating in the negotiations. Its reports, two booklets, several pamphlets, and other communications deal mainly with the positive side of the issue.

This approach may have been necessary at first, but the time has come for presentation of the opposing view. The need for a dialogue—pro and con—on union is evident from a study of various statements issued by COCU. In the foreword to a booklet containing reports of the first four meetings, the Executive Committee says, “We feel that we cannot now turn back from the road to unity, but must press with all our power to have the millions of our fellow-churchmen know and share this same experience.” The inside cover says the COCU denominations “are seeking organic union.” Such statements reveal the strong conviction within COCU that organic union has already been accepted as the proper goal for all the churches involved.

A change in the mission and purpose of COCU occurred at its 1965 meeting, according to this same booklet: “At Lexington the Consultation passed from the phase of conversation to negotiation.” At the fifth meeting, in Dallas last year, the consultation approved an outline of a time schedule and procedure for the merger called “The Steps and Stages Toward a United Church.” The schedule is summarized as follows:

1. Establishment of the consultation in 1962.

2. Adoption of “Principles of Church Union” at the 1966 Dallas meeting.

3. Preparation of a plan of union, and its adoption by the denominations acting severally.

4. Unification of ministry and membership.

5. Writing and adoption of the constitution of the united church.

If this time schedule represented only a possible procedure, there would be no cause for alarm. However, the schedule was approved at the Dallas meeting and apparently is being implemented by COCU as if it had already been approved by the denominations involved. The “Steps and Stages” statement says that as a result of the Dallas meeting, “we are entering upon the third stage of this journey.” COCU is committed to the formation of a union church. It has become a Consultation for Church Union, moving within an already determined timetable and striving for an already accepted goal.

The COCU idea was originally suggested by Eugene Carson Blake in his historic sermon in San Francisco on December 4, 1960. The intended purpose of the consultation that resulted was to discuss the possibility of organic union among the churches involved, originally The Methodist Church, the Protestant Episcopal Church, the United Church of Christ, and the United Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. The Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ) and the Evangelical United Brethren Church accepted subsequent invitations, and since then, four other denominations have joined: the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (Southern), the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, and the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church.

At the early stage of COCU, only three denominations gave their delegates authority to begin negotiation (United Presbyterian, Christian Churches, and United Church of Christ). Methodist delegates were authorized only to converse about union, not to negotiate or form a program. But soon an attempt will be made to change this. The 1968 Methodist General Conference will undoubtedly be asked to grant official negotiating powers. The Episcopal General Convention will vote this September on whether to authorize the negotiation stage.

Since COCU has become a Consultation for Church Union and has already greatly influenced the upper power structures of Methodism and possibly other denominations, it is time for us to have a Consultation against Church Union to represent the other side. The denominations are either in stage three or on the brink of it. If all the churches involved give official negotiating status to their COCU delegates, a plan of union will be drawn up and then promoted from the top down through the denominations. This will make dissent even more difficult and unpopular than it is now. Before this crucial step is taken, Protestants must consider such questions as these:

1. Will union result in a setback to unity? An aggressive movement to unite the churches from the top down would only create more division. Methodism already has a splinter group, the small Southern Methodist Church, which stayed outside the 1939 north-south merger. More than 100,000 Congregationalists left before the United Church of Christ was formed in 1957. The wrong approach to ecumenism will result in further division—and for valid reasons.

2. Will union achieve the main goal of its proponents? The scandal of Protestant division does hurt the work of the Kingdom to some extent, especially on the mission field. However, most of the overt divisiveness comes from aggressive, sectarian groups that are not involved in the proposal for a united church. The denominations participating in COCU are already sharing in cooperative enterprises. Their union will not necessarily bring more harmony into Protestantism since the sectarian denominations are not involved.

3. Will union repeat the mistakes of the past? We had organic union in western Christendom in 1500. However, theological perversion, ecclesiastical rigidity, and political involvement dominated the Church. This led Martin Luther, John Calvin, and other reformers to attempt to renew the Church through a return to biblical standards. Our American heritage with its religious liberty, evangelical piety, and separation of church and state is one of the obvious fruits of this reformation. In the minds of many, organic union would be a step backward. The scandal of theological differences might be minimized by a united church, but past ethical, social, and political evils would be encouraged to reappear. It is still true that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

4. Will union minimize an important benefit of denominationalism? Protestantism in America is now characterized by competition. This has definite benefits, especially in a culture with a Christian majority. In fact, friendly competition in an open society is fundamental to the free-enterprise system. Union will minimize creative competition in Protestantism. If business monopolies, labor monopolies, and government monopolies are bad for our democratic society, then religion monopolies would also be bad, and for much the same reasons.

5. Will union really result in renewal? There is much talk about the renewal of the Church today, and many schemes have been proposed to achieve it. A basic part of the answer to renewal is to be found in Jesus’ idea of pruning the tree to produce fruit. The Church must set higher standards of discipline for itself if it is to be vital and respected in society. Union may bring more regimentation, but it will not bring more discipline. And by its very nature, union will lead to the compromise of doctrinal and ethical standards.

6. Will union lead to a loss of individualism? Individualism is on the wane in our urban, technological society marked by mass communication and mass advertising. Conformity is the order of the day, and persons are losing their identity in our secular age. Church union will tend to destroy individualism in religion. Conformity in doctrine, conformity in worship, conformity in religious education, and conformity in organization will further depersonalize our society.

The Consultation against Church Union should begin its work immediately. The months ahead are critical for Protestants. Now is the time for Protestant clergy and laity to be warned of the dangers of a united church.

You Don’t Have to Have It!

In the prologue to his Gospel, addressed to Theophilus, Luke states that his purpose is to “set forth in order a declaration of those things which are most surely believed among us.” In this second half of the twentieth century, the Christian world is besieged by writers on theology who believe most surely in very few things other than their notion that there is not much to believe anymore. It is difficult to determine whether they address Christians to convince them of the insubstantial presuppositions that have beguiled them, or the unbelieving multitudes to assure them that they were right all the time in rejecting the historic Christian faith. The “God-is-dead,” “church-is-irrelevant” writers confound the saints and confuse the sinners. But they would hardly agree to the terms of this charge, since they are actually most skeptical about sainthood and most dogmatic in repudiating the biblical concept of sin.

These vocal copy-suppliers for the seekers after “religious news” are in plentiful supply in nearly all communions. On the surface they are champions of honesty in thinking about supra-rational matters. They are eager to be regarded as destroyers of ancient ikons that have diverted the faithful from a true faith. They seek to revamp the historic faith so as to make it respectable for man “come of age.” Christianity is a subject rather than an experience; a theme to be debated with academic objectivity, not a way of life to be commended as the one that incorporates the ultimate meaning for human existence and the only peace that can survive what Shakespeare termed “outrageous fortune.” Christianity is reduced to “religion” (or one of the “historic faiths”), a proper item on a college or university curriculum, to be sure, since in ways somewhat incomprehensible to contemporary debunkers of the faith, the Christian religion has greatly influenced the development of Western civilization. The documents of the Christian faith must be subjected to the same critical study given all other historical data. There is no place for any notion that the Scriptures are to be understood only in the context of the reality of a supernatural order and only from the vantage-point of a belief that “the Spirit breathes upon—and through—the Word,” nor for the notion that reason must be supplemented by faith in interpreting and in accounting for the Scriptures.

We hope that the “realistic” challengers of the historic faith are well intentioned. Yet even if they are, we cannot help believing that they will stimulate doubt rather than faith, confusion rather than confidence.

Some time ago I spoke to a Baptist gathering about the need for “a Baptist Reformation.” I urged that this would involve a rediscovery of something very old rather than the discovery of something new—the positive preaching of a Gospel revealed by One “who knows what is in man”; a renewed emphasis upon the priesthood of all believers; a controlling conception of the Church as the household of faith rather than as a political pressure group. When I had finished, one preacher berated me for being reactionary and obscurantist. (If you cannot counter what a speaker has said, call him bad names!) A year later I learned that his own church is badly divided, and that many are leaving his world-centered ministry. I am sure that he will not find a diagnosis of his church’s ills in my analysis, for decriers of historic Christian convictions are often consoled by the liberal remnant that stands by them, swift to condemn those who persist in holding to a faith now 2,000 years old. This preacher was ready to subject me to an inquisition because I have more faith in pietism than in jazz masses, in a given body of doctrine than in a flux of current opinions, in the Lordship of Christ than in the supremacy of social demands, in the authority of the Scriptures than in that of the latest popular theologian.

In saying these things, I do not wish to be accused of indifference to the need for many social and economic reforms aimed at the correction of gross evils and inequities. No man in his right mind would have such an indifference. I simply assert that, as a proponent of the Christian faith and a servant of the Christian Church, I would make personal salvation a precondition of social change and a seeking of the will of God the pattern for such change. I advance no “either-or” proposition here but simply plead that “the right order of going” be observed. Let the non-Christian world-orders try as they will for social change, but let the Christian Church specialize in the life-changing of men and women by the redemptive power of One who is greater than the passing scene and political fashions. The Church’s this-worldly influence will in the long run be measured by the reality of its other-worldly orientation (see John 17).

This brings me to a “hard saying.” I am obliged to express the belief that many glib revisers of the Church’s faith have, in effect at least, repudiated that faith. They seek to discredit a faith they themselves have lost. They seek to substitute for the historic faith of the Church a “new version” lacking the vital elements of the Christian tradition, and bearing the authority only of their own rationality and intellectual adroitness. The “faith” they offer is alleged to satisfy the modern mind, if not the modern heart. It is a faith supposed to be beyond logical rebuttal, but it also goes beyond personal appropriation (it is not intended for that anyway; religion is primarily a subject for discussion, not for commitment). The “faith” advanced by many critics of the faith of the Christian generations is not a personal one, for, after all, they are writing “about religion” and not witnessing to a religious experience. Intellectually respectable writers on theological subjects must not commit themselves anyway—a rival publisher of theological tabletalk might, all too soon, write a better best-seller that would make one’s own passé! So any tone of assurance or finality is bad theological protocol.

Perhaps I sound unduly harsh. Perhaps I have written with too much impatience. Perhaps I have not done full justice to some who are deeply committed to the faith that holds me and are seeking to make it more intelligible to those who must hear the Gospel in their own idiom. I readily admit these possibilities. But I write with sober seriousness when I call into question all efforts to fit the Gospel of Jesus Christ to the world’s specifications, all attempts to substitute social pressures for an evangelistic approach to the needs of men and women one by one, all ingenious strivings to substitute the wisdom of men for the wisdom of God, and to make men wise on every subject except salvation itself. I write with deliberation when I question scholarship concerned with a faith that need not be personally held; with a religion-become-philosophy that makes all faith subject to and limited by reason, that gives human speculation priority over revealed truth, and that makes skepticism more virtuous than faith. “It is easier to squander Christian capital than to accumulate it,” as Sir Arnold Lunn once put it.

I believe that the Church must recover some of the assurances it has for the moment lost before it can discover more relevant and revolutionary ways to minister in the second half of the twentieth century. Some old wells must be redug and some old paths followed before new victories of the faith can be won—indeed, before they can even be attempted. Above all, our answer to the question of John the Baptist, “Shall we look for another?,” must be an unqualified “No!”

The Conflict over Baptism

Partisans of infant baptism probe a middle way. Supporters of believers’ baptism worry about youth. Here a Lutheran theologian defends “believers’ baptism of infants” while a Southern Baptist theologian voices anxiety over evangelistic compulsion of the very young.

In recent years the time-honored Protestant controversy over infant baptism has been renewed in much of its Reformation vigor. Karl Barth, who belongs to the Reformed camp, has aligned himself with Baptists. And the late Emil Brunner, though he did not adopt the radical attitude of Barth, wanted no part of the traditional Reformed arguments based on the corporate conception of the family, the doctrine of prevenient grace, and the covenant sign of the Old Testament. Brunner dismissed these arguments as “biblicist” but suggested keeping infant baptism as a sign pointing to Christ. Others ask if Brunner’s views were “biblicist” enough.

The Lutherans are fighting a private battle on baptism among themselves. Here the famous protagonists Joachim Jeremias and Kurt Aland exchange broadsides over the New Testament word oikos (“household”) used in connection with the baptism of families in Acts. Jeremias contends that oikos includes children and that thus they too were baptized. Aland, with as much elaborate evidence and with some of the same documents, attempts to prove the opposite.

For all practical purposes this battle promises to end in a stalemate. Although these inconclusive results do not mean that the New Testament has nothing to say about infant baptism, they do mean that oikos and the words related to it apparently cannot resolve the issue. Even if Jeremias, the champion of infant baptism, should be shown to be correct, the victory would only confirm the Reformed position that the family was included in the faith of the head of the household. And although the result might bring some comfort to the Roman Catholics with their theory of substitutionary faith, it would hardly be of comfort to the Lutherans.

Thus, in spite of the renewal of the controversy in our day, baptismal practices themselves remain in question and the underlying problem is unresolved.

The fundamental issue in the controversy over infant baptism is essentially the same as it has always been since the Reformation. It is the question of how faith relates to baptism. The baptism of New Testament times was obviously administered in faith. And even before Luther asserted that the sacraments were ineffectual for the individual without faith in Christ, the Roman church had at least recognized the importance of faith in baptism and had tried to sidestep the issue by substituting the faith of the church for the faith apparently lacking in the child. The Reformed theologians referred to the faith of the parents or to the child’s future faith in their teaching on baptism.

All these attempts only verify what the Anabaptists contended in the days of the Reformation and what many scholars assert today about the subject. Certainly the New Testament does not explicitly state that everyone baptized had faith. But there is not one shred of evidence of the baptism of a person without faith.

In our day the relation of faith to baptism has become particularly prominent as a result of the influence of existentialism on Christian theology. Faith and membership in the church, at least according to Barth and Brunner, depend largely on a personal “confrontation,” understood as the conscious meeting of the individual with God. With this philosophical orientation, many, like Karl Barth and his son Markus, have rejected infant baptism. And the emphasis itself has accentuated the problem for many pedobaptist Protestants and Roman Catholics. These groups are caught between the apparent evidence of the New Testament, especially the Book of Acts, and their own practice of infant baptism, which is administered, as it is frequently admitted, without the faith of the recipient. Many observers of this problem conclude that infant baptism is perpetuated only for continuity within the institutionalized church.

Is there a way out of this dilemma? Or must we choose between the apparently conflicting poles of “believers’ baptism” and infant baptism? It is axiomatic that any satisfactory solution must do justice to the New Testament evidence, especially as it is incorporated in the sola gratia and sola fide principles of the Reformation.

This dilemma, which bothers all Protestant denominations, including the tradition-minded Episcopalians, is based on the presupposition that it is impossible for children or infants to have faith. But does the New Testament as well as our empirical evidence prove this?

Emil Brunner rightly criticizes the Roman practice of uterine baptism, baptism of foetus. But is he correct in saying that the unborn or newborn child is incapable of the personal act required to receive salvation? Luke 1:44 says that the unborn John the Baptist leaped for joy in Elizabeth’s womb when Mary, the mother of the Lord, spoke to her. Certainly “leaping for joy” was, according to Brunner’s terminology, a “personal act,” and joy is one of the fruits of faith in Christ.

Luke also records the bringing of infants (Greek: brefte̅; not teknon, “child”) to Jesus for his blessing (18:15–17). What kind of blessing was this? It must have been an offering of the grace of God (sola gratia), as Calvin maintained. Yet no blessing or grace is received without faith, and to deny faith absolutely to these children is to fall into the Roman Catholic concept of blessing inanimate objects and persons incapable of faith. That the blessing of the children involved their faith is further reinforced by the remainder of the pericope, in which the infants are held up as examples for those desiring to enter the Kingdom. Certainly faith is the only key to the Kingdom, as even the Baptists, Barth, and Brunner would maintain.

The modern understanding of New Testament baptism has faltered somewhat in interpreting these incidents from the gospel records. But it has faltered even more in developing an adequate theology on child psychology. Is it really proper to say that an infant or young child lacks sufficient consciousness or mental development to make coming to faith possible? Even apart from the Gospels, which speak about children and infants in the Kingdom and of “the little ones who believe” in Jesus, is it really possible on the basis of child psychology to say that even the most limited children cannot receive knowledge from the outside or, more particularly, that saving knowledge which comes “from above”? It is noteworthy at this point that even the Baptist theologian Johannes Schneider has been ready to lower the traditional age of accountability from twelve years to six. Can we really apply an intellectual test at any age? Is God’s grace limited by supposed human limitations?

Apart from the New Testament, which in my opinion offers conclusive evidence for infant faith, many Christian parents recognize evidences of faith in their children even in the first years. Although the stammering of the name “Jesus” is not conclusive, who can positively deny that even here the Holy Spirit may be at work? For St. Paul taught that calling Jesus “Lord” was evidence of the presence of the Spirit (1 Cor. 12:3). No wonder that even those Reformed and Lutheran theologians who are convinced that the baptism of the New Testament was for believers are nevertheless reluctant to deny this sacrament to children.

The middle way in this dilemma—of having to choose between what appears to be the New Testament baptism of believers and the baptism of infants—is suggested in the Lutheran doctrine of infant faith. Since the days of rationalism in the eighteenth century this doctrine has received only occasional “Lutheran” support, but recently it has been backed by Peter Brunner of Heidelberg, Hermann Sasse of Australia, and the late professors Rudolf Hermann of Berlin and Peter Brinkel of Rostock. By maintaining infant faith in connection with infant baptism, we need not choose between “believers’ baptism” and infant baptism. With infant faith, infant baptism is in fact a baptism of believers, and other essential New Testament teachings are upheld as well.

First of all, this teaching recognizes that children are included under the universality of sin, as are adults, and that they also need faith to be saved. An astute analysis of the sin of children is given by Robert L. Short in his Gospel According to Peanuts:

Seeing the infant as a sinner, however, probably never has been nor will be a popular point of view. It may be, therefore, that the modern “cult of the child,” which holds to the child’s “original innocence,” is partly a reaction against the doctrine of Original Sin. “Those who hold that human nature is essentially good (‘unfallen’) and corrupted only by society,” writes H. A. Grunewald, “regard the child as an unspoiled bundle of life which ‘goes wrong’ mostly because of bad things happening in the ‘environment.’ ” Wherever they can, even the youngest Peanuts children are crafty enough to take advantage of this point of view.… As Grunewald points out, the myth of the innocent child strongly resembles the myth of the noble savage—savage perhaps, but not too noble [pp. 52 ff.].

Secondly, the doctrine of infant faith provides all children with a means of the grace of God. To deny children a means of grace would deny their inclusion under the universality of God’s saving grace. As mentioned above, in the case of John the Baptist and the blessing of the children, children can be objects of the grace of God.

Thirdly, infant faith avoids the possibility of having God’s grace offered without any real chance that the child will receive it. Traditionally, there has been no quarrel between Lutherans and Baptists on the application of grace through faith. If baptism is going to be effective in the individual, it must be “believers’ baptism.” This would also correspond to those recent exegetical studies showing that the baptism of the early Church was given in faith.

Fourthly, infant faith is based on what the New Testament writers and Jesus have to say about the relation of children to the Kingdom and their coming to faith.

The recent influence of existentialism on theology has made the idea of infant faith even more unpopular among the pedobaptists than it was in the days of rationalism. But if the pedobaptists are not willing to accept this doctrine, then it must be granted that the practice of the Baptists in baptizing only mature persons is more in keeping with the New Testament practice. Without faith it is impossible to please God—and this applies to children as well as to adults.

But to deny infant baptism, and with it infant faith, would be to limit what God obviously does not limit. The choice before the Christian world is not between infant baptism and “believers’ baptism,” but between believers’ baptism foe both infants and adults and no baptism at all.

Surprisingly, the “people called Baptists” have not been the most outspoken interpreters of the New Testament teaching on baptism. Until very recent years, Baptists were almost silent on the subject, despite the fact that baptism has become an increasingly live issue in Christian debate and has emerged in ecumenical discussions from the pronouncements of Vatican II to the expression of variant viewpoints among Pentecostal groups. There are at least two reasons for the tardy entry of Baptists into this crucial discussion. First, the majority of Baptists throughout the world have not been directly involved in the World Council of Churches or any other forum of Christian discussion where their views of baptism are strongly challenged and clearly heard. And second, for decades Baptists have been preoccupied with serious controversies about baptism among themselves.

The Campbellite Controversy

For more than a century, Baptists in the southern part of the United States have carried on two sharp doctrinal conflicts over baptismal meaning and practice. The first of these is the Campbellite controversy, which from the 1830s onward split Baptist churches by the hundreds and spilled over into other loosely organized “free church” groups. The followers of Alexander Campbell, a sometime Presbyterian who had become a Baptist preacher, arose in churches throughout Kentucky and adjoining states to proclaim that baptism is essential to salvation or that salvation is completed, if not actually conferred, by baptism. It is extremely difficult to document this sacramental concept of baptism in the writings of Campbell himself, but this clearly was the popular understanding of the “Campbellite” doctrine among his followers and his opponents. Most Baptists saw in this view a kind of Roman Catholic sacramentalism and a “works salvation.” Whole churches were captured for the Campbellite movement, however, and many more saved their buildings and the battered remnants of their congregations only after losing many members.

From the viewpoint of world Christendom, this strife could not have mattered less; but it certainly diverted Baptist energies and attention from the wider task of interpreting their view of baptism to the Christian world at large. This world would not take it for granted that the form of immersion was involved in the meaning of baptism or that the act of Christian confession and faith was essential in the baptismal subject.

An ironic footnote to this internal conflict among the immersionists is that almost none of the modem Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ), which trace their descent from Alexander Campbell, will proclaim their view of baptism in the old sacramental terms. Even the Churches of Christ, an ultra-conservative split off the main body of Disciples about the turn of the century, speak with something less than a firm and unified voice on the explicit sacramental character of the baptismal rite. Yet the debate goes on while the basic question has been shifted, and most of the disputants continue to ignore the wider forum of ecumenical discussion.

The Landmark Movement

Another internal controversy began in the middle of the nineteenth century with the writings and activity of J. R. Graves. This influential editor of the Tennessee Baptist developed such a rigid doctrine of the Church and church succession that only those churches that exactly reproduced the New Testament pattern and could trace their institutional succession from biblical days could qualify as true churches. From Graves’s point of view, only Baptist churches could qualify as true churches, and not even all of them could qualify. The result of these views for the doctrine of baptism has been a devastating debate on whether it is proper to receive believers’ baptism by immersion performed by other Christian churches.

Not even Graves maintained that the Baptist name was necessary to make scriptural baptism valid. However, his restriction of the word “church” to Baptist churches only amounted to virtually the same thing. Thousands of Southern Baptist churches have adopted the pattern of receiving only Baptist baptism as the simplest way of guaranteeing that the person “received by letter of recommendation” into the local church fellowship has, in fact, been baptized with the proper form, meaning, and authority.

Even a casual reader of church history realizes that just as the Campbellite movement tended toward the Roman Catholic doctrine of sacramental (or saving) baptism, so the Landmark movement tended toward the Roman Catholic doctrine of institutional succession as the necessary hallmark of the true Church of Jesus Christ. It did not matter that neither Graves nor anyone else has ever demonstrated the unbroken succession of a single Christian institution throughout the 1,900 years of ecclesiastical history. The succession that was so important to Graves was simply affirmed as an article of faith. Jesus said that the gates of hell would not prevail against his church (Matt. 16:18), and these “succession-minded” persons could only interpret that to mean that a Christian congregation was authentic only if it stood in an unbroken line of organic, institutional succession from the first century. They forgot that the Spirit of God might depart from an ecclesiastical institution even though it had an unbroken line of succession, as did the Temple and national Israel. And they forgot that God can call a people into being by his own sovereign act in his own good time, as he did with Israel and as he did with the Christian Church as the New People of God.

Similarly, others of the sacramental persuasion forgot that while God can use any means to reveal himself and to accomplish his holy purpose, he is never trapped within the bounds of ritual, to be dispensed like a holy potion in response to a magical formula. Both distortions of the Christian Gospel attempt to limit God, the one to a particular organic institution and the other to a particular religious ritual. Both philosophies seek to limit God to ecclesiastical control.

The Church As Baptists View It

Preoccupation with these internal controversies has deterred Baptists from wider involvement in current Christian discussions. But where does Baptist thought go from here as these controversies fade into the past? What will be the determinative factors in the years ahead?

What is most distinctive about the Baptist denomination? Contrary to the opinion of many people, it is not their view of baptism. The most distinctive tenet of the Baptists is their belief in the direct and immediate call of God to the individual soul and the direct and immediate response of that soul to God without the official administration of a priest, a ritual, or an institution. It is this doctrine that will ultimately determine the Baptist stand on baptism vis-à-vis the non-Baptist denominations.

If God calls men directly into a saving relationship with himself—upon the basis of the atoning work of Christ, which is made effective in the individual heart by the convicting power of the Holy Spirit—and if this takes place without the necessary mediation of any human priest, ritual, or institution, then it follows that God directly calls into being that fellowship of believers which is Christ’s body, the Church, of which Christ is also directly the Head and Lord. This direct and unmediated Lordship of Christ over his body is the basic understanding of the Church among Baptists and explains the characteristic Baptist rejection of all priests or bishops. Although most Baptist confessions of faith have clearly affirmed the ultimate concept of the Church as the body of Christ, composed of all the redeemed of all ages, they have also maintained that this Church is manifest in the world only in gathered communities of believers. According to this dominant view, the name “church” cannot be applied to any denomination, convention, or association of churches but only to a local congregation, a gathered community of believers.

Realizing this basic view of the nature of the Church, one can predict with reasonable certainty the outcome of current debates about baptism among Baptists and between Baptists and the wider Christian world:

1. On the issue of the authority for baptism, Baptists will eventually come down firmly on the presence of Christ in the local congregation as the only valid locus of authority. Eventually, they will reject all attempts to validate baptism through the denominational name (Baptist) or through affiliation with any particular convention. After all the debate and confusion about institutional succession and alien immersion (immersion by non-Baptist churches), Baptists will eventually receive scriptural baptism by those congregations that they recognize as churches. Either they will do this or they will repudiate their basic understanding of the Church.

Before they recognize a congregation’s practice of baptism as scriptural, most Baptists will continue to insist (1) that the practice be in essential agreement with their own and (2) that the congregation’s understanding of salvation and the Church mark it out as a genuine New Testament church, by whatever name it may be called. It is now a matter of fact that some congregations that do not wear the Baptist name embody this historic Baptist understanding of salvation and of the Church far better than some Baptist churches. In any case, Baptists will be forced to let local congregations decide about receiving other scriptural baptisms. If they transfer this power of decision to an association or convention of churches (actually made up of “messengers” from the local churches), they will be making the convention or association itself into a church and thereby denying their basic understanding of the Church as the local congregation.

2. On the issue of the form of baptism, most Baptists will continue to insist upon immersion—not only because it was certainly the New Testament form, but even more because they believe that the form is bound up with the meaning.

Virtually all biblical scholars acknowledge that the meaning of the Greek word baptizo is “to immerse,” that the context of baptismal passages in the New Testament clearly indicates immersion, and that the historical evidence conclusively demonstrates that immersion was the original form and the prevailing one for centuries. But since many New Testament patterns have changed with the passing of the years, it might have been possible to accept the more convenient form of sprinkling or affusion had it not been for the meaning reflected in the form of immersion. The burial of the believer in the waters of baptism is seen as a visible gospel sign, a vivid declaration of his spiritual identification with the burial of Christ (Rom. 6:4). His resurrection from the waters of baptism is a powerful proclamation of his resurrection with Christ to “walk in newness of life” (Rom. 6:4; Eph. 2:5, 6). Because Baptists reject any conception of saving power or sacramental value in the ritual itself, everything depends upon preserving its significance as a Christian sign and confession. If, by changing the form, it loses its power as a witness to the Christian’s death and resurrection with Christ, then it becomes empty and meaningless. Without this meaning it is not New Testament baptism; and without this form it has lost its meaning as a gospel sign.

3. On the matter of the baptismal subject, Baptists will continue to stake everything on the conviction that the person must be a believer in Christ. Baptism is the way a person makes his public declaration of belief in Christ. They read the recurring New Testament formula “baptized into [Greek: eis] the name of Jesus Christ” and understand this to mean that through the act of baptism the early Christians were declaring their identification with their Master. It was their regular way of confessing before the world that Jesus Christ was their Saviour and Lord.

Baptists will continue to reject infant baptism because they believe that it began in church history with the expression of the doctrine of original sin as condemning even the infant and emerged as a sacramental rite to remove this “original sin” as soon as possible after birth. Even when it is construed as a “covenant sign,” replacing the sign of circumcision in the old covenant, Baptists believe this contradicts the plain teaching of the New Testament that baptism comes only after one has “received the word” of the Gospel (Acts 2:41). They also believe that the attempt to connect baptism with circumcision is a frantic effort to preserve a baptismal practice that arose later in church history by reading into it a meaning nowhere found in the New Testament.

Baptists, however, have found themselves confronted by a problem that is intensified by their own strong insistence upon believers’ baptism. The pressure of evangelistic campaigns and the strong emphasis upon child evangelism in younger Sunday school classes has brought younger and younger children to the church altar, “trusting Christ” and requesting baptism and full church membership. Several reports from Southern Baptist churches indicate that children as young as four or five years of age have been received as “candidates for baptism” and full church membership. On every side the charge is heard, “You Baptists have come full circle—right back to infant baptism.”

Many articles and books have sounded a warning cry that “regenerated church membership” is being undermined. More than one church and more than one Sunday school leader have been wrestling with this problem. How old must a child be in order to make a responsible decision to confess Christ as Lord and fulfill the minimum requirements of membership in his church? Drastic suggestions have been made: Hold back children until they have reached puberty, because only then have they reached a point of psychological maturity where they can think abstractly of the Lordship of Christ over life; or withhold baptism until this level of maturity is attained in adolescence, even though the child may have come earlier into a kind of “probationary” church membership.

With the dominant Baptist concepts of salvation, baptism, and the Church, it is not difficult to predict with reasonable confidence where this discussion among Baptists will come out. Baptists will never consent, in any great number, to the postponement of baptism until a pre-determined level of Christian maturity has been reached. They cannot do this because they believe that baptism is the sign of Christian beginning. It would be emptied of its meaning if it did not stand at the threshold of the journey with Christ. On the other hand, there is going to be increasing Baptist concern to remove external pressures that may push a child into a false response to a highpowered evangelist or an over-zealous Sunday school teacher. Because Baptists believe that a person is saved by the genuine response of that soul to the inner working of God’s Spirit, they will try to protect their children from external pressures that might produce a counterfeit response. Nevertheless, they will refuse to set an arbitrary age at which they will “permit” the Holy Spirit to work this miracle in the life of the child, and they will demand more and more evidence that it is a genuine response of each soul to God rather than a coerced “decision.”

4. Finally, all discussion about baptism will turn at last upon the question of meaning. For Baptists, everything is bound up with the conviction that baptism is the believer’s public declaration of his death and resurrection with Jesus Christ. Because it is a testimony given before the world, Baptists will take a dim view of those persons who say, “Well, although my church teaches that baptism saves you, I have always privately believed that it is an act of Christian obedience and confession of Christ, exactly as you Baptists do.” Such a private belief, in the context of a public interpretation that contradicts it, is confusing, to say the least. The vast majority of Baptists will also stoutly maintain that because of what baptism means, the form of baptism must continue to be immersion and the subject must always be a genuine believer.

All Baptists will continue to proclaim that all who have truly believed in Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour are redeemed and are their Christian brethren, no matter how they have been baptized! They cannot deny this because it is their most basic belief. And most Baptists will continue to affirm that the real test of this redemption in our lives is how much Christian love and understanding we demonstrate toward those brethren who sharply disagree with us on such doctrines. Nevertheless, it will forever remain true that all the water in the world cannot help a person who has not been baptized in the heart by the redeeming work of God’s Holy Spirit!

The Church and Social Concern

Three distinguished Washington clergymen discuss the controversial subject of the Church’s social concern. They are Dr. Clarence Cranford, for twenty-five years pastor of Calvary Baptist Church in Washington and a past president of the American Baptist Convention; Dr. George Davis, minister of National City Christian Church, which in recent years has become known as President Johnson’s home church in Washington; and Dr. Edward L. R. Elson, minister of the National Presbyterian Church, which was President Eisenhower’s home church during his eight years in the White House. Moderator of the discussion is Editor Carl F. H. Henry ofCHRISTIANITY TODAY.This is one of a filmed series of thirteen half-hour panel discussions prepared for public-service television presentation and for use by church and college discussion groups. The series, “God and Man in the Twentieth Century,” was produced by Educational Communication Association (P.O. Box 114, Indianapolis, Indiana 46204) under a Lilly Endowment grant.

Henry: Now, gentlemen, the subject before us is the Church and social concern. In view of the American principle of separation of Church and state, ought the Church to become concerned and involved in national affairs?

Cranford: Well, I think the Church must try to reflect God’s love for people. If it is going to do that, there are times when it must take a stand either for or against some things that are happening to people, even in the political realm.

Davis: I think the Church is involved whether it wants to be or not. It’s involved by indifference. But it needs to use caution and judgment and much prayer to know how to be involved and how fully.

Elson: I think it needs to be understood that the founding fathers intended that there should be complete separation of the organized institutions of the Church from the organized institutions of government, which is not the same as the elimination of religion from national affairs and from social concerns.

Henry: Well, how, and to what extent—in what way—ought institutional religion to become politically involved?

Cranford: Everything that affects the lives of people is the concern of the Church. As Dr. Davis has said, how the Church should be involved is a thing about which we need to pray and think very carefully. But that it should be involved I think is without question.

Davis: The Church has to follow its conscience—that is, individual members, including the clergy—but we must be very careful not to presume that our conscience is the conscience of the whole Church. And so we must be cautious about the extent in which we become involved in political and social concerns.

Elson: It seems to me that the Church should first of all be certain that it preserves and works everlastingly at its primary responsibility, which is the salvation of souls, the ordering of souls. Its chief contribution is to be the Church at all times, and by being the Church it does exercise an influence on social issues of the day. Perhaps the primary obligation is to produce the kind of people who, in the crisis moments of history, bearing the responsibilities of government, can make the highest possible moral choice.

Cranford: I agree with that, Dr. Elson, because I think we can spend our time trying to bring about changes, even good changes, and end up with society pretty much as it is because people themselves have not been changed. And we can’t do that even by our brilliance; this is something that God alone can do. So that our first responsibility is to bring people into a vital relationship with God.

Davis: Well, I think today the clergyman has to be very careful about his own personal arrogance. The Protestant conception is that every man is a priest, and if a clergyman can have a revelation from God, a politician can have one. There seems to be a very marked arrogance on the part of some clergymen today, as if they had a direct pipeline to God that maybe the President didn’t have, or the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense didn’t have. And I think it’s at this point that we need to be very, very careful.

Elson: There are times when the Church would be very remiss, it seems to me, if it did not enunciate clearly the principles of its own faith and life and its expectation for the transformation of human society and our own American culture and life. It seems to me that especially at moments when we might be threatened with idolatry, the absolutizing of some aspect of national reality and lifting this to the level of deity, and the threat of some personality’s being identified as a sort of human messiah—in these instances the Church would certainly be failing if it did not declare what it believed to be the truth and the wisdom of God for this moment. There the prophet of God speaks for God not only in condemnation of what is wrong but also in the assertion of what ought to be right and what ought to be God’s will in this moment.

Henry: Do you think the organized Church, the Church as an organized body, ought to endorse candidates for political office?

Davis: I think it ought to be very careful. I can think of extreme cases in which one man would be so completely immoral, another man so completely moral, that the Church would have a very easy choice. But I think the Church ought to be very cautious in giving its endorsement to particular candidates. It can speak very clearly on principles so that its view becomes apparent, but I think this is very dangerous.

Cranford: I do think that sometimes we need to encourage our people not to let religious bigotry decide what candidate they will support. But I would agree with your caution. I remember once by implication I took a stand because of certain personal convictions against a man in the political realm. He turned out to be one of the best administrators the office had ever had. So then I had to swallow my words later on.

Elson: I remember the episode, I think, quite well. A good many other leaders in the Christian churches of Washington felt as Dr. Cranford did. But this particular person in discharging the responsibilities of his office surprised a good many of his opponents and certainly became in the public image a different kind of person than some of the pulpits had been describing him to be before his appointment. The important thing, it seems to me, is that the Church should not always be in the role of judgment and condemnation. There are times when the important role is for the Church to commend those men of integrity and high purpose who do good things within government. In this, sometimes, in my experience and observation, we’ve either been belated or totally negligent.

Davis: Perhaps this leads me to say that I think clergy men—and I am one—and the Church lack the humility to confess having been wrong. Personally I think we were right in our involvement in the Dominican Republic.

Henry: You mean the Church or the nation?

Davis: I mean the nation. But the nation got kicked all over the place, so to speak, for its involvement. When it turned out fairly well to be right, fairly evident it was correct, there seemed to be little evidence of apology or admission by those in error that they were in error. I think humility would be good for all of us to have.

Elson: Dr. Henry, this is a case in point. The Ambassador of the United States to the Dominican Republic at the time the episode took place some months ago just happened to be one of my parishioners and a former Sunday school teacher, who had been trying to take his Christian dedication into his public service, and did. I’d be very curious to know whether anybody besides his own pastor ever sent a letter assuring Ambassador Bennett that we were praying for him, that the people of America in the Christian churches prayed for God’s guidance and for wisdom higher than his own human wisdom to come to him and to those associated with him. I think we’re much more prone to condemn and to criticize and to assail them with negations than we are to assure them of our prayers and our support.

Henry: Dr. Cranford, have you ever used your influence as a clergyman to bring pressures upon a member of your church to vote in a given way on legislative issues, such as civil-rights legislation, or minimum wages, or whatever else?

Cranford: Well, in personal conversation with some congressmen who happen to be friends, I’ve indicated where I stood, and I certainly have discussed principles from the pulpit in the light of which I hoped they would take certain action. I can remember one congressman who called me up to his office to tell me what he was going to do about a certain thing, and I think doing it cost him his office, because he was not re-elected. This was not a popular cause in his own area, but he did it because he thought his Christian convictions required him to do it.

Elson: Dr. Cranford, I think that on such a program as this, if we were to announce to Washington or to the rest of the world that we had guided people to a decision in some crisis moment in the exercise of their office, this would be a violation of the pastoral office. This is a holy rather sacred relationship between pastor and parishioner, and therefore I would be very reluctant to bring even to you as my colleagues, Dr. Davis and Dr. Cranford, a report of particular episodes, because we must preserve the usefulness of the pastoral office with our parishioners in all the years to come. Therefore I would simply say that there have been occasions when in the confidence of the pastoral relationship persons have sought some guidance as to how they ought to act, vote, or make directions of other persons under their jurisdiction in particular moments. And I’ve tried to lift this to the highest possible moral position in giving that judgment, but always allowing the judgment and the decision to be made by the conscience of the man himself.

Cranford: I think Dr. Davis gets a lot of letters these days asking him to bear his direct influence on the President.

Davis: I don’t think once in all of my ministry I’ve ever directly by letter or word suggested to a man how he ought to vote. I’m sure I may have had a little influence—how much I don’t know—at times. But never directly—perhaps wrongly so, but it’s against my basic pattern of behavior to do this. Never once in all of my ministry.

Elson: Dr. Davis, having had something of the same experience you’re now having, I’m just curious to know if you get a lot of letters from persons who want to use you as the avenue of access to the President in order to influence political action, appointments to high office, and matters of this sort?

Davis: I get many letters of all kinds, not only advocating but blaming me for the actions taken, and some of them I’d be very glad to take the credit for, but I have never once—my opinion has been asked at times.…

Elson: The most difficult period of my ministry in twenty years in Washington was the time immediately preceding the execution of the Rosenbergs, because Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, whose agency had something to do with apprehension and prosecution of these persons, was a parishioner of mine, and the President of the United States, who had the authority to change the verdict and prevent their execution, was also a parishioner. And it seemed as though a great many churchmen felt that the Church was the avenue of approach on this, rather than the White House staff and the processes of justice. At one time my mail ran something like 264 pieces a day for a period of four months.

Davis: I would like to say that I have often commended men by a letter or word of mouth for actions they have taken after they were taken.

Henry: Dr. Davis, how do you think the minister of the church ought to influence the members of his congregation so that their great beliefs will carry over into daily action?

Davis: Well, I think first of all you ought to express your own convictions of conscience, but always within the framework “I could be wrong.” This may be a sort of negative way to preach the Gospel. But I’ve never been sure enough that I had a direct pipeline to God and that my enunciations were the prophetic voice for God. There has always been a feeling this could be wrong. And within this context I present my opinions and my views prophetically but always with a hesitancy and a feeling that this could be the wrong answer.

Cranford: Well, Dr. Davis, I’ve had this problem because I keep reminding myself that I’m not a politician, I’m not an economist. There are people who know so much more than I in these other areas. I’m a clergyman, and I have to keep thinking of the ministry of the Church and reminding the people who are politicians and economists that they are the Church if they’re Christians. The Church isn’t just something to which people go. The Church is something that goes with them wherever they go, so that when they vote, or when they take a stand on a certain issue, if they’re Christians they are representing the Church, and they ought to remember this. They’re not just acting as politicians or as economists; if they’re Christian they are acting as Christian politicians and Christian economists.

Elson: Dr. Cranford, I think, is getting to the crux of it, that Christian work is being a Christian at your work, whatever that may be, and that every vocation should be deemed a holy vocation in which we serve God and his purpose. I like the first words of our catechism, that the chief end of man is to glorify God, that is, to exalt God in whatever we do. But it’s important for us to remember that we have to be pastor to all kinds of people, and not create barriers that separate us from some people because we are serving other people.

Cranford: I believe in separation of Church and state; but if we separate worship and work, then that’s tragic.

Davis: One of our greatest contributions as clergymen would be to encourage people to go into various professions like politics and journalism with the feeling that all callings are sacred and are to be used sacredly.

Elson: Dr. Davis, do you think a new foreign policy for the Church would be in order, and a new strategy, say, of foreign missions—encouraging dedicated and competent Christians to enter the foreign service, for example? And when they go to another country, instead of putting their Bible under the shelf, be unashamed of having it out on the table; be unashamed of going to the service of worship in the foreign capital to which they’ve been sent. Because perhaps the most effective witness that can be made today is simply being a Christian where you are and showing the world that this is the way Christians behave; these are the kind of persons who are Christian.

Cranford: One of the trouble spots in the world now is Guatemala. This is where the Communists are trying to take over. Well, it gives me a great deal of assurance to know that our Ambassador there is a wonderful Christian man who has talked with his pastor about some of the stands he ought to take.

Davis: This is being very personal, and you’ll pardon me. I’ve had a son on a Polaris submarine the last year as a doctor. And I think that he is serving God there just as effectively as I serve God in the pulpit. Some people may not agree with this. But I think we should encourage men to feel that the job they do, if it’s legitimate, is a sacred profession. The thing we do about politicians, particularly, is just to kick them to death. I wish we could somehow overcome this disease.

Henry: What do you think about the way in which religion and political elections are more and more becoming involved with each other? That is, the question is raised about a Catholic’s right to a political office, a Jew’s right to a political office, a Protestant’s right to a political office. Is there a religious right to office? What about the way in which this whole question is debated today?

Davis: I think there is a human right to office, and it’s irrespective of a man’s relationships, which happen to be accidental, quite often—even his religious relationships arc sometimes accidental. But I do think you take these things into consideration because they do influence a man’s life, his religion, his slant on every conceivable subject.

Elson: Dr. Davis, there is not only a human right; there’s also a constitutional right which every citizen has if he is qualified for office. And I think the view a man has of reality, of the cosmos, his view of man and man’s personal dignity, his inherent freedom, and so on, is very, very important. I believe, for example, that the theist is very likely to have a higher view of the atheist than the atheist has of himself. And therefore I’m happier if a man is in office who gets his judgment and his view of human life from some transcendent authority beyond himself.

Henry: Suppose one held religious views that involved certain attitudes on pacifism, or on birth control, or on health and sickness, or on racial discrimination—any variety of issues. Do you think it ought to be determined whether one believes that these sectarian commitments should be translated as an instrument of national policy? Do you think that this would have a significant bearing?

Cranford: I think every man has a right to his personal convictions. But if he is in public office he has to remember that there may be other points of view and he has to keep all these points of view in mind if he’s going to be a good American leader.

Elson: This is correct, and I think we’ve seen this illustrated in recent presidents. For example, President Eisenhower had for himself a very clear set of Christian convictions and items of personal faith, but when he spoke for and to the American people he spoke in the terms of a general theistic faith which encompassed pretty much the public philosophy. It’s very important, however, to all of us to know that in a man’s personal life he has some very deep and self-directing convictions about religion and God and Christ and the disciplines of the spirit.

Henry: Would you mind getting back for a moment to the question of ministerial involvement in social concerns? Did any of you march on Selma, or have you picketed or demonstrated in Washington, and do you think a clergyman ought to?

Davis: Well, Dr. Henry, I didn’t march on Selma or anywhere else. Perhaps it’s a cowardly answer, or perhaps oversimplification, but my conscience didn’t tell me to. But in the second place, and more important, I sensed at the very beginning that, within the framework of an American democracy, these demonstrations held the potential of something far different than what they started out to be, and time has shown this to be so. I was afraid of it at the beginning and I’m still afraid of it. I believe in dissent—don’t misunderstand me—but not in the framework in which it’s been expressed too much within recent days.

Cranford: Well, Dr. Henry, I think what Dr. Davis has said is true. They can get out of hand. I am persuaded that some things have been accomplished by demonstrations, in getting greater justice and rights for some people, that would not have been accomplished without some demonstrations. So I did march in the freedom march here in Washington because I felt the Church could not afford to stand on the sidelines when the issue of human rights was at stake. I was of two minds about Selma. I admire those whose conscience told them to go. In this case I did not go because I felt I should not invade another man’s area to tell him what to do until I had done something about my own area first. And so I feel that my responsibility is to try to get more justice, more human rights for my fellow men here in Washington before I tell Selma what to do.

Elson: Dr. Cranford, I think I would have to report that the congregation over which I preside, being the National Presbyterian Church, takes the official attitude of the denomination in most of these matters. And in the freedom and justice demonstrations several summers ago, the church was officially appointed by officers of our church as a sort of information center and resource place to which people might rally if they were to take part in the march. I did not take place in this particular march because I felt that my relationships and place of service are such that I can choose to do other things. I honor those who have participated in this kind of demonstration, and I believe that under certain circumstances these demonstrations have emphasized the crisis which is upon us and have actually accelerated action. However, the use of the same method for every kind of conceivable question involving human rights I think is unnecessary and ineffectual. Such actions should be very carefully chosen. Otherwise they become.…

Davis: I wish we had time to discuss the march on Washington and all of the safeguards, all of the protection, the military might of the United States, everything given to that march that kept it what it was. I keep thinking, what if you had a thousand Watts at one time, or a thousand Ciceros at one time, demanding the protection of the National Guard at one time? I wish we had time to discuss all this.

Henry: Dr. Davis, how do you think the Church best serves human betterment or promotes it?

Davis: I think men have to follow their consciences. I respect the men who take the other viewpoint; I think they must follow their consciences—being willing to pay the penalty for following their consciences. I think we should encourage men to go into the professions where they can influence decisions toward justice.

Henry: What is the relevance of the preaching of the Gospel of repentance to the pressing social problems and concerns that we have today?

Elson: Well, many of our concerns go back to the old concept of sin, and what is sin? It’s separation from God, and man as an individual can be separated, isolated from God, and his whole collective order can be. The trouble with today’s world is that individuals need reconciliation with God and reconciliation to one another. And part of the mission of the Church is to help reconcile men through the message of Christ.

Henry: What troubles you most, Dr. Cranford, about the American scene at the present time?

Cranford: I’m troubled by a drift away from some of the great principles on which our nation was founded. Unquestionably there has been moral erosion because men have gotten away from a consciousness of God. I believe that primarily I have a Gospel to preach, and this Gospel says that God himself involved himself in history in the person of Christ, and that if I’m going to be involved 1 must be involved in his spirit and through the kind of relationship to God he came to establish.

Henry: Dr. Davis, what troubles you?

Davis: Well, in addition to something that troubles me, I think one of the hopeful signs is that the world is troubled. No generation has ever been more troubled than ours. This is a good sign. We’re troubled, we do have a conscience about it. The thing that bothers me most is that the Church is unwilling to live in what Niebuhr called the age between the ages, in an age in which you simply cannot predict what’s going to happen and must live by faith.

Henry: Dr. Elson?

Elson: We Christians are troubled. The hope is that we know we’re troubled; this suggests to me that we have some sensitiveness to the deterioration of morals. There is no question but what many people have jettisoned their heritage and cast aside the great conventions and traditions of the past and walk over the Ten Commandments as though they were irrelevant. I think there is cause for alarm that there ceases to be any objective, uniformly accepted standard of moral judgment such as the moral law and the Ten Commandments to which we may repair to determine what is right and wrong.

Henry: We’re agreed that many of the finest things in modern civilization have their roots in the Christian faith, and that inevitably these features will wither from the social scene unless the Christian faith is appropriated and nourished. This is the issue before us when we face the big question of the Church and social concern. Thank you very much, gentlemen, for an illuminating and instructive panel.

Editor’s Note from April 14, 1967

During several weeks in Germany, Spain, and Portugal after the World Congress on Evangelism, I meditated often on the evangelical role in the modern world. In time I produced some personal impressions of the larger significance of the Berlin congress and the special mandate it has thrust upon Bible-believing followers of the Christ.

These convictions have just been published (cloth and paperback) by Word Books in Evangelicals at the Brink of Crisis. Chapter titles are “Evangelicals and the Theological Crisis,” “Evangelicals and the Social Crisis,” “Evangelicals and the Evangelistic Crisis,” and “Evangelicals and the Ecumenical Crisis.” The recurring emphasis on evangelical crisis is demanded, I feel, by the present predicament of the evangelical task force.

The papers presented in Berlin by World Congress participants are just now coming off the press. The two volumes, under the congress theme One Race, One Gospel, One Task, are available from the Grason Company, 1313 Hennepin Avenue, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55403, at a price of $9.95 complete. Purchased separately, Volume I costs $4.95; it includes the opening addresses, Bible studies, main addresses, and Windows on the World. Volume II costs $6.95 and includes position papers, discussion-group papers, and a summary of comments.

1517–1967

We entered this year with the burden of last year’s tensions. The international tensions of 1966 are the tensions of 1967, and now, as then, they bear hard on the whole of human existence. The relations between East and West, the volcanic rumblings from China, and all the other sore spots of international life are of deep significance for everyone.

But some people are so taken up with the disturbances of the present that they lose perspective on the past. Our a-historical way of thinking is in part an estrangement from the past; and this estrangement, like all others, is an impoverishment. For our time shares this with all other times, that it cannot be understood or explained in isolation from the past.

Deep and primitive forces help define the course of affairs and help bind us to the affairs of yesterday. The Church, too, has this consciousness of being bound with the past. It knows it cannot cut itself loose from the past, for remembrance of things past is close to the heart of its existence. It keeps hearing the permanent command: “Do this in memory of me.” And Paul writes: “Remember that Jesus Christ … was raised from the dead (2 Tim. 2:8).

As Israel lived out of its memory of the past, of the Exodus, of all the acts of God that were decisive for Israel’s history, so the Church lives out of its memory of the unique past recorded in the message of the Scriptures. Witnesses to Christ’s resurrection went into the world, not to declare generalized eternal truths, but to tell of their vivid past experience with the living Lord. This does not imply, of course, that the Church should try to withdraw from the present, as though it had no interest in the world of today, let alone the future. Rather, it is to say that the Church’s interest in the present and concern for the future rise out of what happened in the past, out of the redemptive events that took place in history.

Closely connected with its special interest in the past—with the unique events of the past—is the Church’s interest in its own history. This history is not a collection of incidental facts of antiquity, in the style of archaeology. It is like an account of a wrestling match: both falls and rises are included. It is the story of a struggle to keep the truth of the Gospel and to carry it to the ends of the earth. The Church, living in new and changed times, always experiences a renewal of its calling in terms of the present world. So it has come to know its own day. CHRISTIANITY TODAY is, in my opinion, a happy expression of awareness of this responsibility to meet the challenges of new times precisely because of the unchanging character of the Gospel.

Awareness of the Church’s past must take into account not only the Gospel but also the chasm-like divisions of the Church. The word of Paul still sounds today: “Is Christ divided?” But the facts of the past still make it hard for us to translate our answer to Paul’s question into concrete action today. The Gospel is clear in its picture of the one Shepherd and the one flock; but we are stuck with the terrible divisions of the Church. And no one can deny that the credibility of our message is encumbered with these divisions as with a dark shadow. We all have ecumenical concerns, but none of us has the redemptive word that solves the ecumenical problems. Many of us have an awful sense of powerlessness.

This year, 1967, we are especially reminded of the fissure in the Western church that opened up in 1517—four and one-half centuries ago. A fact of the Church’s life seems to be that once a break occurs, healing it is almost impossible. The break between East and West has lasted for more than nine centuries. Divisions seem to take root in history with a depth and finality that can scarcely be altered.

What is the state of affairs after the 450 years of division in the West? Much has changed, especially during the last twenty years, not only in personal relations between representatives of the two sides but also in the climate in which the two churches meet. There is a growing awareness that we have often struggled against caricatures of each other. It is not that the Reformation arose out of a misunderstanding on the part of the Reformers but that, after the break occurred, the distance between the churches grew so large that neither could see the other clearly. Each side looked at the other in unreal perspective. Bitter polemics bred more bitter polemics. And the conflict caused us to lose sight of the truth about each other.

In our time, we are busy trying to find out where the deepest differences between us lie and what the decisive issues are that keep the churches apart. The answers are various. Some say that it is the difference between Scripture and tradition. Others, the differences over offices and hierarchy. Still others, the disagreement about the sacraments, or the issue of justification by faith alone.

Actually, none of these is to be isolated from the others. Each issue overlaps and influences all the others. I have never been satisfied with any effort to localize the issue in a single point. But the efforts still go on. And they must keep going on, because we are not permitted the luxury of a fatalistic point of view about the differences.

One thing in the present dialogue is very encouraging: we are not polemicizing from a distance. This means that we are no longer able to concentrate on each other’s weak spots. We have to face each other at the point where each stands on what he considers his strong point. For instance, we have got to meet Rome on the basis of its stand on Christ’s words to Peter recorded in Matthew 16.

Meeting another at his strongest point is always harder than thumping away at his weak point in his absence. And it carries a great responsibility. We cannot get away with tricky arguments and debater’s tactics. Together we must plunge deep into the whole witness of the prophets and the apostles. This kind of dialogue is bound to have results, for it is centered on a study of the Gospel.

What sort of results? We cannot predict with certainty. But when a dialogue is undertaken, not to beat the other person in debate, but to come to a clearer understanding of the Gospel, good fruit must be borne. When we seriously attempt to fathom the full dimensions of the separation, we are certain to benefit. For here, caricatures fall away, and the real problems become more clear. This kind of discussion is going on all over the world. Here in my country, the Netherlands, countless publications witness to its existence.

Four and one-half centuries is a long time. But we are not allowed to lose courage—not if we are children of the Reformation. For we believe in the perspicuity of the Scriptures; and we believe they are perspicuous for others as well as for ourselves.

In this year, the 450th anniversary of the Reformation, we must not be overcome by illusions, to be sure. But neither ought we to be overcome by a sense of hopelessness. For we believe, not in the divisions of the Church, but in the one living Lord.

Canadian Churchmen Plan Two New Colleges

As faithfully as the birds fly south each autumn, flocks of young Canadians stream down across the border onto U. S. campuses. Although their numbers are not staggering, they are enough to nettle Canadian educators and church leaders. Partly to offset educational migration, Canadians are taking a hard look at how well their college opportunities compare with those in the States.

It has been a long time since a major new religious school was founded in Canada. But this year there are live prospects for such undertakings in two of the nation’s biggest cities: Toronto, Ontario, and Edmonton, Alberta. The Toronto effort is for an evangelical liberal arts college with a relatively limited enrollment. The Edmonton prospect is by far the more ambitious: it would be an interdenominational university financed by the government and operated by cooperating churches.

After seven months of conferences, agreement in principle was reportedly reached on the desirability of working for an ecumenical campus in the Edmonton area. The discussions have been among Lutheran, Anglican, Baptist, United Church of Canada, and Roman Catholic representatives. Spokesmen for the Alberta Ministry of Education say the government is willing to put up the money for the school if the churches can come up with workable plans.

The idea of an interdenominational university was first suggested by Alberta Premier E. C. Manning, an ordained Protestant minister and an outspoken evangelical. He offered the idea as an alternative to pleas by the churches for independent denominational colleges throughout the province. Some planners have been quoted as saying they want to see the university open for classes by 1972, with 10,000 students a goal for 1975.

Edmonton, capital of Alberta, is Canada’s fourth-largest city (behind Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver), with a population nearing 400,000. Less than 1,000 miles from the Arctic Circle, it is the northernmost major metropolitan area in the Western Hemisphere. Its winters are not so severe as the geographical position suggests, however. The city is located just east of the Rockies in the meadow and aspen-grove country of central Alberta.

From Toronto, appeals are going out for an initial $100,000 to provide for the opening of classes this fall at the proposed new Richmond College. The campus is to begin in buildings owned by the federal government along Lake Ontario and leased to the college for $36,000 a year. Because the Department of University Affairs of Ontario has refused to grant a charter until the college is in actual operation, degrees in arts and science will be given on the basis of a Manitoba charter.

There is considerable opposition to the Richmond College concept, mainly from the Toronto Graduate Christian Fellowship. Crux, the fellowship magazine, argued that Christian students and faculty ought to be witnesses on the secular campus rather than moving into isolation. As an alternate, it was suggested that a Christian research center or Christian college be established as part of a secular campus.

Chancellor of Richmond College is John Wesley White, a Ph.D. from Oxford who is an associate evangelist with the Billy Graham team. His brother, Hugh White, who holds a Ph.D. from the University of British Columbia, is dean of education. The Rev. Elmer S. McVety, a minister of the Christian and Missionary Alliance who has an M.A. from Winona Lake School of Theology, is president. McVety is a brother-in-law to the White brothers.

Personalia

John Leo, associate editor of the liberal Catholic lay weekly Commonweal, will join the New York Times May 1 as a roving correspondent covering sociology, psychiatry, psychology, philosophy, and intellectual trends.

Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary of Berkeley, California, announced the appointment of Dr. Vernon L. Strempke as professor of pastoral theology and director of field education.

Dr. Mariano Di Gangi will become Canadian Director of the Bible and Medical Missionary Fellowship in mid-June. He is now pastor of Tenth Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia. His new office will be in Toronto.

Miscellany

A proposal to sanction participation in Episcopal communion services by non-Episcopalians “where the discipline of their own church permits” will be brought before the denomination’s House of Bishops in September. The proposal by the Episcopal Joint Commission on Ecumenical Relations is in reply to a request from the bishops for a study of communion discipline.

Intercommunion is the primary point at which Protestant denominations might well work toward greater cooperation and unity in “faith and order,” according to American Baptist Convention President Carl Tiller. He told a ministerial meeting that American Baptists ought to initiate a program of inviting other denominations to discuss the theology of communion and the prospects for intercommunion.

A new Regional Church Plan commission will spend the next four years framing strategy for the 3,500 Protestant churches in the thirty-one-county New York City area, where nearly one-tenth of America’s population lives. Ten denominations and nine church councils are cooperating.

Motive, a monthly published by the Methodist Board of Education and recognized as the publication of the interreligious University Christian Movement, was awarded a certificate of special recognition by Columbia University’s Graduate School of Journalism.

Ghana’s military government waived stipulations to allow citizens of South Africa to attend a Bible-society meeting at Winneba. When the country was ruled by Kwame Nkrumah, South African visitors were required to sign a declaration repudiating their government’s apartheid policies.

Latin America Mission is opening an Office of Worldwide Evangelism-in-Depth. The new agency will offer aid to Christian groups around the world in the saturation-evangelism methods that the mission has used very successfully in Latin America.

Japan’s largest Protestant denomination, the United Church of Christ (Kyodan), adopted a statement publicly confessing the church’s guilt and complicity in World War II. The declaration acknowledged that the Japanese church actively cooperated in the war, failing thereby to uphold the purity of the faith.

The Korean Methodist Church ended a six-month deadlock over the election of a bishop when, on the 114th ballot, it chose as its new head a 67-year-old pastor and educator, Dr. Hong-Kyu (Fritz) Pyun. The church is Korea’s second largest Protestant denomination, with 225,000 members in 1,243 congregations.

They Say

“What I hope is that Protestants who hold to orthodox Christian beliefs will stand with us. You may be sure that Protestants who really don’t believe the Virgin Birth is important, who don’t really believe that God became Man, who don’t really believe Jesus Christ was resurrected, will not care—it is understandable that they should be pleased to see some Catholic theologians coming around to their way of thinking.

“But those Protestants who hold to these fundamental Christian beliefs, who unfortunately have often been farther apart from us than other Protestants, should unite with us to meet these challenges to Christian orthodoxy.”—Editor Dale Francis in Our Sunday Visitor, “National Catholic Ecumenical Weekly.”

Deaths

GEORGES PHILIAS VANIER, 78, Canada’s first Roman Catholic Governor General; in Ottawa.

KENNETH JOSEPH FOREMAN, 75, who taught at Davidson College, Louisville Presbyterian Seminary, and Union Theological Seminary of Richmond, and was widely known for a folksy sermon, “The Engineer’s Got to Know Where His Hind End Is”; in Montreat, North Carolina.

HARRY MILTON SHUMAN, 88, retired president of the Christian and Missionary Alliance; in Deland, Florida.

ISAM B. HODGES, 72, co-founder and first president of Golden Gate Baptist Theological Seminary; in San Leandro, California.

Fatima’s Fiftieth: A Boost for Mariology

They’re widening the roads to the Portuguese hill town of Fatima, stepping up train service, building 1,500 prefab houses, and talking about a helicopter landing pad. Chartered airline tours from the United States are selling at $505 to $895 a seat.

To hundreds of millions of Roman Catholics who venerate the Virgin Mary, May 13 is the fiftieth anniversary of her first reported appearance to three illiterate peasant children at Fatima. Since the apparitions won church recognition in 1930, Fatima has become one of the world’s major Marian shrines, centering on a large basilica with a 213-foot tower. Even in an off year, Fatima draws 1.5 million pilgrims (who get special indulgences in purgatory for making the trip) and 17,500 masses are recited.

Why Fatima? Bishop Fulton J. Sheen, perhaps America’s leading Catholic apologist, points out that Fatima was the name of Mohammed’s daughter and that in Islam she ranks second only to Mary among women. Thus, the Fatima miracles are “a pledge and a sign of hope to the Moslem people.”

The Fatima fiftieth, besides heightening piety and tourism, will be a boost for Mariology, that much-neglected topic of the post-Vatican II era. Major theological meetings are scheduled at Fatima in May and August. Pope Paul VI has named Curia Cardinal da Costa Nunes as his representative, and there is talk that he himself will come.

Part of the excitement about Fatima is the CIA-style story of the “third secret” told by Mary to the children. Twenty-four years after the fact, Sister Lucy, the only one of the three children still living, said they had seen a vivid vision of Hell in July, 1917. Mary had then asked frequent recitations of the Rosary and special masses, and had warned that unless Russia were consecrated to “My Immaculate Heart,” there would be wars and church persecution.

But a third part of Lucy’s rendition was put in a sealed envelope to be opened in 1960. Just last month, Cardinal Ottaviani confirmed rumors that Pope John XXIII got the envelope from Portugal in 1960, opened it, decided not to make the secret public, and “put it in one of those Vatican archives that are like a bottomless well.”

With Sister Lucy silenced by the church, curiosity continues and rumors linger. Presbyterian preacher Paul H. Rutgers complains this month in the Camden, New Jersey, Catholic weekly about “churchmen playing ‘I’ve Got a Secret.’ ” He hints that the Vatican uses secrets to “keep the interest up.”

There has been some speculation that Paul, who has a strong interest in Mary, will endorse with his full dogmatic power the generally-held ideas that Mary is “Co-Redemptrix” and “Mediatrix.” The Fatima anniversary would be a logical time. But Father Juniper Carol, founder of the Mariological Society of America, who would like to see new elevation of Mary, doubts Paul will do it because “he has been bending over backwards to be sympathetic to you Protestants.”

Mary is quite contrary for Catholics and Protestants in an ecumenical age. In fact, she is probably the most divisive issue next to the papacy. Is she a humble Jewish peasant girl, the Queen of the Universe, or both?

The history of attempts to explain Mary has strange twists. The Koran teaches she was born without sin and lived a sinless life—an approximation of the “immaculate conception” dogma. Thomas Aquinas, the giant of medieval Catholicism, rejected the idea. But Martin Luther believed it (despite a couple of lapses), prayed to Mary, and taught she was the “Mother of God” and a virgin all her life—which covers most of the distinctive beliefs Catholics hold today (see box below).

After the Reformation, Catholic devotions and Marian theology began to rise, reaching a high point in the mid-twentieth century. Meanwhile, Protestant interest in the Saviour’s mother faded. But in 1967, many think Catholic Mariology has passed its high point, and some Protestant scholars are trying to revive interest in Mary.

On St. Patrick’s Day, Catholic University announced it will offer a summer course on the role of “Our Lady in Protestant Theology.” The teacher, Father Donal Flanagan of Ireland’s St. Patrick’s College, is writing a book on Mariology after Vatican II.

The ecumenical mood has reached even Father Carol’s Mariologists. Next year, Arthur Cochrane of Dubuque Theological Seminary (Presbyterian) will speak to the society. Cochrane has said that “God adopted us in Mary’s one son to be His children, and in this sense to be Mary’s children.”

In January, Arthur C. Piepkorn of Concordia Seminary (Missouri Synod Lutheran) became the first non-Roman to speak to the Mariologists. Starting with the Bible as understood by “the primitive church,” Piepkorn thinks considerable agreement can be reached on Mary as Theotokos (Mother of God), her “place in the church as the first of the redeemed,” the “probability of her intercession for the church,” and other aspects of honor.

Another Missouri Synod scholar who wants to interest Protestants in Mary—Yale’s Jaroslav Pelikan—thinks it’s ironic that the Protestants “most vociferous in defending the virgin birth are the most closed to Roman Catholic rapprochement, and those who sit lightly on the virgin birth are the most friendly to Roman Catholics.”

Pelikan says Catholics, especially in devotion and speculation, isolate discussion of Mary from Christ, while Protestants overlook “the Christological context. You cannot long speak about Christ without dealing with Mary.”

Closer yet to the Roman view are the “Catholics” within the Anglican communion. In a 1957 survey of superiors at Anglican monasteries, all twenty-five who responded believed Mary is the Mother of God, sixteen believed in the immaculate conception, and fourteen believed in the assumption. The Catholic-leaning U. S. weekly Living Church, in a random survey among all U. S. Episcopal clergy, found that a substantial minority believed Mary was a virgin all her life and a fair number held other Roman Catholic doctrines. Episcopalians interested in promoting honor and devotion to Mary can join the Living Rosary of Our Lady or the Society of Mary. Last summer, Living Church marked the traditional Feast of the Assumption by declaring Mary to be the Mother of God and asking the denomination to “commemorate St. Mary on her traditional ‘birthday into eternity.’ ”

Most Episcopal advocates of the new Mariology are conservatives. An exception is Norman Pittenger, who wrote a semi-official doctrinal guide with lames A. Pike and has opposed the historical Virgin Birth. Pittenger has called for a “chastened” devotion to “our Lady” and has asked non-Romans to recognize her “unique place.”

If Mary was not the virgin mother of the Son of God, however, special honors seem irrelevant to most. By and large, the big names of modern Protestant thought have taken a low view of Mariology. Mary has been diminished by Emil Brunner’s denying that the Virgin Birth is an essential doctrine; by Rudolph Bultmann’s calling it a myth and saying the deity of Jesus refers to his significance for faith rather than his nature; and by Paul Tillich’s asserting that Jesus only became the Christ to his followers.

Conservative Protestants outside the Lutheran and Anglican camps are often disinterested, if not antagonistic. No doubt this is a reaction against such Catholic extremism as the 1965 English translation of Mary of Nazareth by Igino Giordani, which carries the imprimatur of Cardinal Spellman. The book says the “divinely enlightened” St. Gertrude declared that “the three Divine Persons have in (Mary) a Daughter, a Spouse, and a Mother; and under these three titles love her with an infinite love.” Thus, Mary is apparently the mother of God the Father and Holy Spirit as well as Son.

Giordani speculates that Mary was at the Last Supper, “was crucified with him” in vicarious suffering, became “an authority” in the apostolic church and thus helped Paul and John in their New Testament writings, and visited Ephesus and other mission frontiers. He also believes “the building up of the New World was accomplished with the inspiration and help of Mary.”

Similarly, Richard Cardinal Cushing considers Mary the “patroness of America,” tracing the idea back to Columbus’s flagship, the Santa Maria. He calls the grandiose Shrine of the Immaculate Conception in Washington, D. C., a “luxury gift to Mary” in return for her blessings on America. The shrine, largest Catholic church in the United States and seventh-largest in the world, is still being completed. Two chapels will be dedicated this year.

Marian Primer: Meaning Of Key Terms

Mother of God—Developed in the early church with the idea of Jesus’ full deity (Jesus is God, Mary is his mother). Affirmed at Council of Ephesus (A.D. 431). Retained by some Reformation statements. Title appears in the Mass and “Hail Mary,” is used by Eastern Orthodoxy and “high” Protestants.

Perpetual Virginity—Mary never had sexual intercourse, and bore only Jesus. Widely held in early Church. Made doctrine at Chalcedon (451), thus believed by Eastern Orthodox. Defended by Luther. Appears several times in the Mass. Held by many Anglicans, some Lutherans.

Immaculate Conception—Mary was conceived without original sin and lived a sinless life. Idea has long, complex development. Generally accepted in Catholicism by fifteenth century. Some Reformation writers held her sinless or near-sinless in deeds. Declared Catholic dogma in 1854. Believed by many Orthodox but not as essential doctrine.

Assumption—Mary, at the end of her earthly life, was assumed in body and soul, directly into heaven. Marked by a holy day in most Eastern churches by the fifth century, later in the West, and came into common belief. After immaculate conception decree, eight million Catholics petitioned pope to make assumption a dogma. Decreed in 1950; those who dare to deny or doubt it have cut themselves off from Catholic faith. Believed by most Orthodox but not as essential doctrine.

Mediatrix—“No one can approach Christ except through his Mother” (Pope Leo XIII, 1891). “My salvation depends upon Mary’s mediation in union with Christ, because of her exalted position as Mediatrix of all Grace …” (catechism in My Sunday Missal). Vatican II used the title and said Mary’s “intercession continues to win for us gifts of eternal salvation,” but added that this shouldn’t detract from Christ as the “one Mediator.” Not an article of Roman faith as such.

Co-Redemptrix—Mary suffered with Christ “and nearly died with Him when He died,” thus she “may rightly be said to have redeemed the human race with Christ.” (Pope Benedict XV, 1918). “The Virgin of Sorrows shared the work of redemption with Jesus Christ” (Pius XI, 1923). Widely held, but not dogma.

Death On The Compound

A 26-year-old woman missionary teacher was stabbed to death this month in Bandung, Indonesia. Miss Patricia May Groff, of Pawtucket, Rhode Island, had just begun her work in January. She served under the Christian and Missionary Alliance.

A few hours after Miss Groff’s body was found on the mission compound, police arrested a 20-year-old man. He said he had killed her for someone whose name he refused to disclose. According to the Indonesian press agency Antara, the man behind the murder is a Chinese.

Miss Groff was trained at Nyack Missionary College and Oneonta, New York, State Teachers College.

Resurrection In New Zealand

A major controversy over the resurrection of Christ has stirred New Zealand’s Presbyterians. It started last year with a provocative series of articles in the denomination’s Outlook magazine by Lloyd Geering, Principal of Knox College in Dunedin.

Broadly, what Geering did was deny the historicity of the resurrection stories along the lines of Howard Williams, a prominent London Baptist who said in 1964 that it doesn’t matter whether the empty tomb created the faith of the disciples or the faith of the disciples created the empty tomb.

To conservatives, however, it matters as much as the difference between truth and falsehood. Alarmed church members formed the Association of Presbyterian Laymen. The clergy rallied to Geering’s side with some strength, and there seemed real danger of a split in the denomination.

The Dunedin Presbytery met in a mood of apprehension late in 1966. A carefully worded compromise saved the day for the scholars and disarmed the laymen. It said that many Presbyterians do not agree with Geering’s thesis, but that it “does not deny the resurrection of Christ.” The statement also supported “the principle of free inquiry in all matters concerning the Christian faith.”

It is doubtful that the end has been heard of this matter. The conservatives feel that they have surrendered much for unity, and that Knox is still in the hands of those not to be trusted to propagate traditional doctrines. It will be interesting to watch future recruiting for the ministry, and the likely growth of coherence among the denomination’s conservative laymen.

E. M. BLAIKLOCK

Keeping Tabs On Red Religion

Many American Christians see the National Council of Churches as giving aid and comfort to the Communist world through leftist-oriented reports and pronouncements. Few realize that the council also sponsors the best running account of Communist repression of religion: the semimonthly newsletter Religion in Communist Dominated Areas.

Last year RCDA made public the growing anti-government dissent among Orthodox and Baptists in the Soviet Union. This month it is printing details on the Baptist uproar gleaned from an atheistic Ukrainian publication. In the works is a report on what RCDA calls “brutal suppression of religious activities of dissenting Baptists in Kiev and other places.”

RCDA consists largely of direct translations of articles selected from more than one hundred Soviet, East European, and Chinese publications. A brief comment accompanies each article. The maroon-trimmed first page always features a photograph or drawing. The February 15 issue showed a satirical cartoon from a Moscow publication contrasting the Oriental lines of an old shrine with the sleek, squared-off look of a modern building.

RCDA is put out by a pair of experts on Eastern Europe. The editor, 72-year-old Paul Anderson, an Episcopalian, served as a YMCA representative in Russia through the Bolshevik Revolution after a four-year stint in China. He has written two books on religion in Russia and has served as negotiator and translator in clergy exchange visits between the United States and the Soviet Union.

RCDA’s managing editor is the Rev. Blahoslav Hruby, 55, a Czech-born linguist who fled the Gestapo on a bicycle and crossed the Pyrenees on foot before coming to the United States. He was a U. S. Army intelligence officer during World War II and worked for Radio Free Europe before joining the council. He and his wife can together handle translations from twenty languages. They live in a Manhattan apartment with their 16-year-old daughter, who spent last summer taking intensive Chinese language training at Columbia University. Between issues of RCDA, Hruby likes to go mushroom-picking (“I specialize in edible mushrooms”).

RCDA grew out of a research project occasioned by a visit of American churchmen to the Soviet Union. Members of the delegation liked the information so well they suggested a continuing report. The newsletter was begun in the spring of 1962 with financial help from United Presbyterians, Lutherans, Episcopalians, and Methodists.

RCDA runs eight pages per issue and costs ten dollars a year. It is now mailed to people in fifty countries, but circulation totals a mere 1,600, including many free copies sent to Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The publication costs the NCC’s International Affairs Commission about $40,000 a year, and in 1966 the project went $17,000 in the red despite hundreds of hours of volunteer labor. Continuing deficits seem likely unless circulation can be substantially increased.

Competition for the budget dollar is keen among NCC agencies, and some people have campaigned against RCDA. They contend the reports do not contribute to the principle of coexistence.

But Hruby, a part-time Presbyterian minister, can preach a sermon of rebuttal on that point. “A fruitful dialogue cannot take place if we do not know the facts,” he says.

“The Communist governments are sensitive to this kind of publication,” Hruby adds, “and they seem to be less offensive in their policies concerning churches behind the Iron Curtain because they know that violations against religious freedom in the Soviet Union are reported. It is apparent that the Soviet Embassy and other embassies of Communist countries are eager to have good relations with RCDA.”

Fixing Easter

Slowly and quietly the Christian world moves toward adoption of a fixed date for Easter. Most likely choice: the first Sunday in April.

Since the Council of Nicaea in 325, Western Christians have observed Easter according to the Gregorian Calendar, on the Sunday after the first full moon of spring—which means anywhere between March 22 and April 25. Most Eastern Orthodox calculate the date a little differently.

A fixed date for Easter came up for discussion several weeks ago in the British House of Lords. The body reserved decision until after the World Council of Churches Fourth Assembly in 1968. The WCC is conducting a survey among member churches. The Second Vatican Council endorsed a fixed date but did not specify any preference.

Race-Track Evangelism

Despite threats of unseasonal tropical showers on Barbados, West Indies, the grandstands at Garrison Savannah race course—built for last November’s independence celebration—were filled to overflowing night after night.

The occasion was a crusade led by San Francisco evangelist Bob Harrison and Philadelphia singer Jimmie McDonald. Between meetings, the team went from one end of the 166-square-mile, ham-shaped island to the other. They spoke at high schools and were heard on radio by a large part of the coral island’s 250,000 people. They lunched with the Governor-General, headed a Rotary Club program, and held a prison service.

Setting aside finer points of theology and practice, clergymen from nine groups ranging from Bajan Pentecostalists to Irish Methodists cooperated in the campaign. Each service was climaxed with an invitation to commitment. Some 530 converts were recorded.

WILBERT FORKER

These Modern Neros

Shakespeare might have had a word for last month’s strange affair at Cambridge University—“a Roman by a Roman valiantly vanquished.” The occasion seemed unpromising of high drama: an address on “The Proper Formation of Conscience” given to the (Roman Catholic) Fisher Society by seventy-three-year-old Archbishop Thomas Roberts, S. J. Widely regarded as the enfant terrible of the English hierarchy because of liberal views on contraception, intermarriage, and abortion, the retired prelate was sharing something of this with his student audience when he was stopped in full flight by the acting chaplain, Father Joseph Christie, a fellow Jesuit.

Christie accused the archbishop of heresy and terminated the meeting. “The time comes when a man must stand and be counted,” valiantly said this spiritual counselor of 600 undergraduates, “and my time has come.… People are sick and tired of listening to criticism of the holy Church, and it is time someone stood up against it.”

For his part the archbishop, who retired in 1950 from the see of Bombay, said it was like accusing a judge of being crooked, and demanded that the heresy charge be justified or withdrawn. Father Christie, evidently rather enjoying the whole business, said he did not “give a damn” about the reaction, and added with modest satisfaction, “It must be the first time that an archbishop has been stopped in his tracks like that.”

Meanwhile English Roman Catholicism is deeply divided over the sacking of a Dominican priest-editor. Petty bickering at high level involving the Apostolic Delegate in London and the Dominican Master-General in Rome has spread to the English bishops. Four of these and (incredibly) Cardinal Heenan himself have associated themselves with the lay movement protesting editor Herbert McCabe’s dismissal.

From Wales, however, warnings by the Archbishop of Cardiff professed to smell anarchy in the “new crusade against authority” led by “the modern Neros who fiddle while Rome burns.” The allusion may be obscure, but that it was widely welcomed among the lower echelons underlines the fact that to be a Roman Catholic in England today is a perplexing business.

J. D. DOUGLAS

Germany: The New Resistance

Strong resistance to modern theology is developing in Germany. A confessional movement known as “No Other Gospel,” focal point of the resistance, is gaining momentum rapidly.

Early in January the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel, obviously skeptical of the NOG movement, published a tongue-in-cheek interview with Dr. Gerhard Bergmann, one of its leaders. But by the end of the month the magazine was inviting another spokesman for NOG to write a critical review of the liberal theology that the movement opposes.

The influential weekly Christ und Welt warned, “People are clearly mistaken who use the slogan ‘modern theology against congregational piety’ and presume that on the one side we have the theologians and on the other a more or less emotional, traditionalistic and thus vague piety. For on the other side we discover quite a number of influential theologians, and not just the older ones, but generally speaking, the theological youth.”

German Lutheran bishops devoted an entire session in mid-January to the current theological unrest. Clearly afraid of a split, they tried to keep contemporary German theology and the NOG movement within ecclesiastical bounds. But their indictment of modern theology was much stronger than their indictment of the Bible-defending conservatives represented by NOG.

The bishops warned NOG not to forget “the inherent tension of God’s Word in human mouths.” The modern theologians were told not to forget that the “Crucified One is more than an example of solidarity; he heals the world and reconciles us to God.” Both groups were asked not to judge each other falsely.

NOG grew out of a small group of concerned pastors who several years ago began meeting in the town of Bethel and soon were known as the Bethel Circle. The leaders were Paul Tegmeyer—who died recently—and Helmuth Frey. These pastors wanted to do something about the growing influence of theologian Rudolf Bultmann upon the young theologians. They said that 80 per cent of the German pulpiteers were preaching a message conditioned by Bultmannian presuppositions and methodology.

Their concern was at first shrugged off by most German church leaders, who didn’t even find time to discuss the matter personally with the men of Bethel. But a new situation developed when philosopher Dorothee Sölle, a German exponent of the death-of-God theology, spoke at the mammoth Christian Kirchentag convention in Cologne in 1965.

Within a few months the Bethel Circle had blossomed out into a statewide organization to oppose Bultmannian and post-Bultmannian theology, to defend scriptural authority, and to call the church back to her confession. A mass meeting on March 6, 1966, in Dortmund drew a crowd of 20,000. The speakers included Dr. D. Wilm, moderator of the Church of Westphalia, which claims 3,619,114 members and is the biggest and most conservative of the West German regional churches.

The Dortmund meeting sparked formation of committees in all the independent regional churches. In the Rhineland eighty-six pastors and elders formed a working committee. In Brunswick 100 pastors published Eighteen Theses Against Modern Theology. In Lower Saxony independent confessional groups met and formed a provincial union. Since then these regional groups have formed a national organization led by Westphalian pastor Rudolf Bäumer.

NOG made headlines when it requested a meeting with the Kirchentag presidium and got it. The Kirchentag movement sponsors a five-day assembly every other year with a climaxing rally that draws hundreds of thousands. When Kirchentag leaders took time out for discussion with NOG, people realized that the new movement was something more than a small group of conservative grumblers.

NOG asked the Kirchentag presidium to avoid speakers who repudiate biblical and confessional truths and specifically requested the rejection of two proposed speakers: Dr. Heinz Zahrnt and Dr. Ernst Käsemann. The presidium refused. Instead, it asked NOG to appoint some men who would be received as speakers and chairmen on the platform of the 1967 Kirchentag in Hannover. NOG turned down the compromise proposal.

Thus the discussion ended in a deadlock. NOG let it be known that it would boycott this year’s Kirchentag, declaring that what is clearly forbidden for a local church (namely, to invite a preacher who rejects biblical truths) must also be forbidden for the Kirchentag.

Not all German Protestant conservatives are happy about NOG. Some feel that even though it is a revolt against extreme forms of modern theology it does not insist upon complete scriptural authenticity. One conservative professor observed that NOG representatives “are fighting us evangelicals who accept the truths of the whole Bible.”

Not until the Hannover Kirchentag is held the last week in June will the influence of the competing movements be more clear.

JAN J. VAN CAPELLEVEEN

Did Churches Win War on Shriver?

The battle-scarred Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM)—the nation’s most bitterly attacked and fiercely defended “Head Start” program—swung back into action this month, revived by an $8 million grant grudgingly given by the U. S. Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO).

Jubilant liberal churchmen boast that the grant represents a major victory for the “church lobby” similar to its success in the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Clergymen claim it was Vice-President Hubert Humphrey’s intervention at their behest that got the money.

“The Church got emotionally swept into this matter,” says Theodore M. Berry, director of OEO’s Community Action Program, which funds Head Start. The nation-wide Head Start project provides preschool experience for poor children with an emphasis on parental involvement.

CDGM holds a warm spot in the hearts of liberal churchmen because the staff of the National Council of Churches’ Delta Ministry provided impetus and leadership during CDGM’s early days. The Board of Missions of the United Presbyterian Church designated its Mary Holmes Junior College in West Point, Mississippi, as legal recipient (grantee) for CDGM-earmarked funds.

CDGM has been hit by both the Left and the Right since its inception in May of 1965. White Mississippi politicians charged the program was run by civil-rights activists and northern troublemakers. Black nationalists regarded mere acceptance of federal funds as corrupt. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) members working with the group quit in disillusionment, calling the program a sell-out. CDGM supporters hail it as a grassroots crusade against poverty, oppression, and the White Power Structure.

Aaron Henry, NAACP state president, states bluntly: “It’s the biggest industry in Mississippi.”

Facts support Henry’s view. OEO channeled $7 million through CDGM in its first year. By the end of last summer, CDGM was operating 121 centers for 9,135 children and employing 2,272 persons. The centers served the children hot lunches, provided medical and dental care, and exposed many youngsters for the first time to books, blocks, and blackboards.

The project was continually criticized by Mississippi congressmen and the local press. Over $100,000 was spent by the OEO Office of Inspection and the General Accounting Office in investigating CDGM.

Last October 2, OEO chief Sargent Shriver cut off CDGM funds. He charged payroll padding, nepotism, mismanagement, and failure to involve white Mississippians. His announcement triggered a three-month struggle that attracted national headlines and resulted in a church-labor-civil rights coalition dedicated to reversing Shriver’s position.

On October 14, seventy-five urban-church specialists from three Protestant denominations flew to Washington to picket OEO. Five days later a full-page advertisement in the New York Times, paid for by the ad hoc National Citizens Committee for CDGM, pleaded in bold headlines, “Say it isn’t so, Sargent Shriver.” The leftist New Republic thought it spotted a political conspiracy: “In part, Shriver’s decision was in response to pressures from Senator [John] Stennis [Democrat of Mississippi] and represents the desire of the White House.”

Administration critics became even more agitated when Shriver began showering anti-poverty gold on newly created agencies in Mississippi. A bi-racial group of loyalist Democrats, called Mississippi Action for Progress (MAP), got a $3 million grant. MAP, led by Henry, LeRoy Percy, Hodding Carter III, and leading Southern Baptist layman Owen Cooper, was promised $7 million more to conduct its own Head Start program.

Dr. John David Maguire of Christianity and Crisis magazine, a former Mississippi Freedom Rider, later wrote: “The President seemed to think that turning over the Head Start program to a new bi-racial board of ‘moderate’ Mississippi Democrats would provide him with a sufficient powerful political base to rally a loyalist Democratic Party and take the state in 1968.”

Henry scoffs at the Maguire analysis. “I am sure the White House was not involved. Berry called me and asked if I could help organize a group to carry on the program because CDGM could not legally be refunded.”

The church-labor-civil rights leaders, gathered under the umbrella of the Washington-based Citizens Crusade Against Poverty (CCAP), dispatched a ten-man inquiry team to Mississippi. Not very surprisingly, the group returned a strongly worded twenty-one page report refuting the charges against CDGM.

Shriver stood his ground. He said the report added nothing new and “therefore OEO does not foresee any change in its position.”

The “church lobby” made its most potent pitch for CDGM in the plush suite of Vice-President Humphrey in Miami Beach’s Fountainebleau Hotel. About a dozen clergymen gathered in Humphrey’s suite after his address to last December’s NCC General Assembly.

The genial Vice-President was in an expansive mood. He knew many of those present by their first names. They had worked closely with him when, as Senate majority whip, he led the bipartisan effort to pass the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Humphrey reiterated the administration’s appreciation. He then asked about current NCC-sponsored programs and whether he could be of help.

“Mr. Vice-President, we need your help right now,” interjected Dr. Truman Douglass, executive vice-president of the Board for Homeland Ministries of the United Church of Christ. He told Humphrey about the plight of CDGM.

“We do not operate this program.” Humphrey said, “but if we can’t find a solution to this sticky question I think we should close shop.” He promised to get to work on it right away.

“It was the force of that conversation with Mr. Humphrey that night that is as important a factor as any that led to the refunding of CDGM,” says Dr. Kenneth Neigh, general secretary of the Board of National Missions of the United Presbyterian Church.

Humphrey’s pledge to the churchmen was made on December 7—a date former Navyman Shriver shouldn’t have overlooked. The NCC assembly adjourned December 9. The next day, Douglass was having lunch in the National Arts Club in New York City when he got a call from Washington.

“It was the Vice-President,” says Douglass. “He said OEO had offered to give CDGM an $8 million grant and he hoped we would agree to it.”

Negotiations that had been stalled for months suddenly began moving again. CDGM board members came up from Mississippi and closeted themselves with OEO officials. All this time, Humphrey obviously was keeping the pressure on.

Neigh and Douglass both received calls in New York City from Humphrey on December 16. The Vice-President said a settlement was in the offing and advised Neigh to come to Washington. When Neigh walked into the CCAP basement offices, a call was waiting him from Humphrey. Neigh said the Vice-President assured him OEO would make the grant. That evening Shriver issued a statement saying he was “delighted that OEO has been able to resolve its problems with CDGM.” He emphasized that the grant was made only after CDGM agreed to tighten its overall operation and follow OEO guidelines. One provision was that the United Presbyterians accept fiscal and administrative responsibility for CDGM.

“That was just a slick public-relations job by Shriver,” says Neigh. “There is no change at all in our responsibility. Over-emphasis of our part makes it look like we are in violation of the church-state principle.”

Actually, both sides made concessions. CDGM’s scope of operation was cut back from twenty-eight counties to fourteen. The board of directors was enlarged, and a guarantee was given that six of its nineteen members will be white. OEO backed away from its demand that Harvard-educated CDGM director John Mudd be replaced. Mudd stays in Mississippi.

CDGM board chairman James F. McRee, a 48-year-old Methodist minister, says that “if it hadn’t been for the churches, the full story may not have been told.”

OEO’s Berry, tamping the tobacco in his pipe, remarked: “If this will in any way strengthen the churches’ interest in the War on Poverty, then let them enjoy the luxury of their boast. I think CDGM would have been refunded even if the churches had not been involved.”

Grape Lobbyist Picked

The bitter battle between grape growers and pickers in Delano, California, spread to Washington, D. C., this month. The Rev. Eugene Boutillier has been ordained by a church-labor coalition to lobby for the striking grape pickers.

Boutillier, a United Church of Christ minister who has walked the picket line in Delano, will head the National Campaign for Agricultural Democracy (NCAD). His office is in the Methodist Building across from the Capitol.

The minister’s goal will be to get grape-pickers in particular and farm workers in general under the National Labor Relations Act. This would mean the NLRB could enter the Delano dispute, enhancing pickers’ chances of gaining recognition for their union. He will register as a lobbyist—unlike most religious representatives.

U.S.I.A. Religion Troika

The U.S. Information Agency chose an interfaith capital trio as religion advisors, replacing Executive Director Edgar Chandler of the Church Federation of Greater Chicago, named in 1960 and inactive of late. Msgr. George Higgins and Rabbi Richard Hirsch—Catholic and Jewish social action directors—and Methodist District Superintendent Edward Carroll will check for accuracy and sensitivities in religious material.

Hargis Vs. Internal Revenue

Billy James Hargis says his militant, anti-Communist Christian Crusade lost federal tax exemption because it politicked for legislation to permit school prayer. “LBJ and his administration are not beyond using departments of the government to harass those who disagree with them,” Hargis contends. He charges that the Johnson administration has singled out his organization as an example to other fundamentalists.

Hargis argues that it is unfair for his group to lose exemption while the National Council of Churches and other tax-exempt groups continue to lobby in Washington on legislative matters. He said that his finances are in good shape and that chances are good for reinstatement of exemption in a court appeal.

Meanwhile, Christian Herald reveals this month that Hargis was the author of the famous 1951 speech in the U.S. Senate by the late Joseph McCarthy attacking the late Methodist Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam.

The Reign’S The Same

The final version of Spain’s new law on religious freedom is turning into a disappointing document that is ecumenical only in that it restricts Protestants, Jews, and progressive Catholics alike.

The new law, passed overwhelmingly in a nationwide referendum, was weakened by last-minute changes made by the Spanish Cabinet presided over by Generalissimo Franco. The final text is expected to win parliamentary approval in a few weeks.

Protestants fear the alterations will limit, if not prevent, spreading the Gospel by writing or over radio and television and may prohibit making converts.

Baptist pastor Jose Cardona of Madrid, secretary general of the Evangelical Defense Commission, called a meeting of all Protestants for March 20 to determine what their attitude should be toward the new law.

Objections are aimed primarily at the rewriting of Article 9, covering communication, and the elimination of Article 12, governing the organized activity of Spaniards “moved by their religious beliefs.”

The first version of Article 9 granted “rights of individuals and religious communities to ‘dissemination’ of their faith by word of mouth and written word.”

The new text substitutes “teaching” for “dissemination.” Cardona points out that in Spanish “dissemination” has a much wider meaning than “teaching” and that the change may presage renewed difficulties over unauthorized “propaganda” and “proselytism” by religious minorities.

Article 12 would have permitted Spaniards “moved by their religious beliefs” to set up educational, cultural, and social establishments. The total suppression of this article indicates that Protestant churches may be restricted to devotional activity.

Similar restrictions are a recurring complaint of Catholic Action leaders, another group of Spaniards “moved by their religious beliefs,” who feel that certain forms of religious activity should be carried on outside the walls of churches.

The Roman Catholic hierarchy has cracked down on Catholic Action groups, suspending all activity of the organization on a national level and confiscating Action publications. The hierarchy also dismissed the editor and entire editorial board of the Catholic youth weekly Signo, one of the most outspoken and controversial Catholic voices in Spain.

Suppression of Catholic activity has been most notable in Barcelona, where a year ago police beat more than 100 demonstrating priests.

Cardona, taking a broad view of the new law, says, “It is the best we can do at the moment.”

A high government official commented, “Nothing else was possible within the present political realities of Spain.” Apparently, the reign in Spain is mainly the same.

College, Hospital Cut Church Ties

For the first time, a Southern Baptist college has been freed from church control so it can get federal aid. Action formally releasing Kentucky Southern College from the state Baptist convention was taken March 11 by the convention executive board.

Only days before, the Arkansas Baptist Convention had severed official ties with its medical center in Little Rock to enable the center to apply for federal funds.

Kentucky Baptists last June prohibited public aid, though they relaxed the policy in November to permit federal loans. President Rollin Burhans said his 800-student college would die without federal aid. The seven-year-old school joined the Baptist convention in 1962, but the Baptists’ $420,000 in aid has fallen far short of a pledged $2 million. Burhans puts immediate college needs at $5 million.

To help out, the Baptists granted $300,000 immediately, another $200,000 by July, and $77,010 annually for five years to repay loans. But the Baptists balked at assuming responsibility for a $898,000 loan to the college last year.

Burhans predicts that “every church-related college that does not have tremendous endowment funds” ultimately will have to cut church ties to maintain “quality Christian colleges.” Maybe, he said, Kentucky Southern will become a Baptist “satellite.”

DOUGLAS N. KANE

Book Briefs: March 31, 1967

A Statesman’S Secret Faith

Dag Hammarskjöld: The Statesman and his Faith, by Henry P. Van Dusen (Harper & Row, 1967, 235 pp., $4.95), is reviewed by Sherwood E. Wirt, editor, “Decision,” Minneapolis, Minnesota.

This is a moving book about a great spirit of our time. As far as I know, only one man was fully aware of Dag Hammarskjold’s secret faith before the appearance of the spiritual diary he kept for thirty years. That man was Billy Graham. The evangelist had learned in private conversation what none of the personnel of the United Nations secretariat, over which Hammarskjöld presided for nearly a decade, had apparently discovered: that the lonely Swede had a strong personal faith in Jesus Christ as Saviour and Lord. This fact was brought out in Graham’s statements at the time of the African plane tragedy, when the evangelist’s tribute, unlike others from around the world, referred to Hammarskjöld’s deep devotion to Christ.

In this volume Van Dusen helpfully documents the evidence of Hammarskjöld’s faith by relating the entries in Markings (the diary) to significant events in the statesman’s life. He shows that a “crisis” and a “conversion” seem to have come late in 1952. “I said Yes to Someone,” Hammarskjöld wrote of the experience. It was about this time that Hammarskjöld became General Secretary of the United Nations.

Van Dusen notes that from this period scriptural references began to proliferate in the diary. Curiously, there were no references to the Apostle Paul; yet the four Gospels were quoted repeatedly, as were the Psalms. “The God whom Hammarskjöld knew,” concludes Van Dusen, “was the God of the Psalmists and of Jesus Christ.”

Hammarskjöld also leaned heavily on certain Christian mystics, notably Thomas a Kempis, John of the Cross, and Meister Eckhart. He was captivated by the poetry of T. S. Eliot. The profundity of his devotion to God, as it comes through in ejaculation found throughout the Markings, puts to shame much of our conventional evangelical patter. He writes:

Thou

Whom I do not know

But Whose I am.

Thou

Whom I do not comprehend

But Who has dedicated me …

Van Dusen is at some pains to establish the lack of resemblance between Hammarskjöld’s mature faith and the Lutheran piety of his parents (his father was prime minister of Sweden front 1914 to 1917). Difference there was; and yet in Hammarskjold’s own single public confession he said, “Experience and honest thinking has led me in a circle; I now recognize and endorse, unreservedly, those very beliefs which were once handed down to me.” He wrote in his secret diary, “Only one thing counts: faith … which reality seems so thoroughly to confute.”

Charles Malik of Lebanon and others have drawn attention to the gaps in Hammarskjöld’s expression of that faith. Admittedly, he was not a brand-name Protestant. But in the diary that forms the basis of this interpretative volume, he was not seeking to witness to men about his love for God. He was actually communicating with God and trying, in some measure, to jot down what God was saying to him. No wonder Markings became a best-seller!

Van Dusen, president emeritus of Union Theological Seminary, has done his work well. His commentary on the diary, his painstaking research into Hammarskjöld’s life, and his defense of the man’s personal character are a notable contribution. The world that Hammarskjöld tried so valiantly to hold together owes a debt to Van Dusen for giving us this perceptive insight into his life.

‘Christian Atheism’ In Canada

A Church Without God, by Ernest Harrison (McClelland and Stewart, 1966, 149 pp., $4.50; also Lippincott, 1967, $3.95), is reviewed by J. Berkley Reynolds, Canadian editorial representative,CHRISTIANITY TODAY.

The Rev. Ernest Harrison is Canada’s own God-is-dead theologian. His chief responsibility when he headed the religious education department of the Anglican Church of Canada was the production of the Anglicans’ new Sunday school curriculum, and on his recommendation Pierre Berton was commissioned to write The Comfortable Pew.

Harrison is the advocate of a “new freedom” and is bent upon eliminating historic creeds and ancient liturgies of the Church. The church to which he addresses himself in A Church Without God is obviously not one of strong evangelical growth. He calls her “Mother Church.” And he claims she is now dead. Her authority is gone. The hospitals and schools she built are operated by the state, and nobody takes seriously her self-created creeds. People are free to think for themselves.

After he has asserted his views on the death of “Mother Church,” Harrison goes on to proclaim his own “Christian atheism.” In this he goes beyond Robinson, Altizer, and Hamilton, who created problems by believing in a onetime existence of God. Says Harrison, “I am on the staff of an Anglican parish in Toronto. I claim to be a Christian and an Anglican; yet I can say, in all seriousness, that there is no God.”

Harrison gives five choices for Christian atheism, which includes the belief “that there never was a God, that there is no God now, and that there never will be.” Strangely enough, this is followed by the call to “walk more freely into the presence of Jesus Christ.” He doubts whether this Jesus believed in God or arose from the dead. He suggests that perhaps Christ had sexual intercourse with women “and maybe got drunk.”

Not surprisingly the direction Harrison has chosen soon leads him to discard the Bible as objective revelation. The Bible is only one of the many contexts in which we live our lives, and the Christian must be free even to reject the Bible as a context. Harrison sees as the converse of this a literalistic interpretation and fails to deal with the conservative evangelical approach.

Having pushed the Bible aside as God’s norm or standard, he very easily moves into the new morality and an espousal of situational ethics. The Ten Commandments are relative. Love is the rule. “Every situation must be judged on its merits, and there is only one test which may legitimately be applied: is love fulfilled?” Any action is right by any standard, if there is trust and love. He miserably fails to define love or to indicate its source. Marriage no longer provides a true test for the rightness or wrongness of sexual intercourse. The real point is whether or not it is meaningful to both parties.

As a striking example of current “Christian atheism,” this book is an eye-opener. Besides the pathos that is very evident in Harrison’s own religious life, his book also reflects the lethargy of his own church, which he feels is incapacitated. Evangelicals should take warning from this author lest they substitute forms for the pure content of the Gospel and end up with “A Church Without God.”

Acclaim For A Christian Poet

The Dumbfounding, by Margaret Avison (W. W. Norton, 1966, 99 pp., $4.50; also, George J. McLeod, $5.75), is reviewed by David D. Stewart, associate professor and chairman, Department of German, Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario.

The most recent book by Margaret Avison offers what most of us have learned to do without. Here is first-rate Christian poetry, received with enthusiasm by avowedly secular critics such as A. J. M. Smith, who calls The Dumbfounding “the most significant book of poetry published by a Canadian since the modern movement got under way more than a score of years ago” (Canadian Forum, September, 1966).

One is struck by the range and concreteness of Miss Avison’s verse. She has observed keenly and compassionately the world around her, and combines unobtrusive scholarship with a fine, pawky humor. Very many of the poems in this volume describe commonplace sights and situations: bleak city rooms (“the taps listen, in the unlighted bathroom”), seeds in their store-bins, biding their time; weary winter trees; pigeons in the morning park (“… and beauty/is fan-tailed, gray and dove gray aslant, folding in / from the white fury of day”). At the same time, this is distinctly “poésie engagée.” It does not get stuck in the foreground of description and detail; rather, it reveals a very large poetic vision, which shows us the world so well because the poet has seen the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ: “In thy light we see light.”

One of the many graces of Miss Avison’s book is that there is no discontinuity in vision or style between the poems that treat things of the everyday world and the more obviously metaphysical ones, such as “The Word” and “The Dumbfounding,” in which Christ is addressed in worship. Just as it is in our here-and-now language that the incarnate Saviour meets us, so for the poet there is no hermetic Christian diction of piety.

Running through the collection is a “metaphorical counterpoint” based on the images of man’s lost estate and God’s redemptive coming used by John in the first chapter of his gospel: word, life, light, face. Thus in “The Earth that Falls Away” Miss Avison sketches the ancient and modern ways in which men enact John’s statement about loving darkness rather than light. When Christ comes we fear his gaze: “In the intolerable hour / our fingers and fists / blunder for blindfolds / to have you in our power!”

In one of her most searching poems, “The Mirrored Man,” published before her conversion in her collection Winter Sun, Miss Avison had written:

All of us, flung in one

Murky parabola,

Seek out some pivot for significance,

Leery of comets’ tails, mask-merry,

Wondering at the centre

Who will gain access, search the citadel

To its last, secret door?

And what face will the violator find

When he confronts the glass?

This motif of facelessness, being finally left alone or unnoticed in the universe, is picked up, now in Christian affirmation, in the poem “… Person, or A Hymn on and to the Holy Ghost”:

Let the one you show me

ask you, for me,

you, all but lost in

the one in three,

to lead my self, effaced

in the known Light,

to be in him released

from facelessness,

so that where you

(unseen, unguessed, liable

to grievous hurt) would go

I may show him visible.

Because this poet has seen and knows modern secular man so well, capturing his self-awareness in her verse, both Christian and non-Christian readers alike will be prepared to follow her when she tells us what she knows of God. And it is a very great deal indeed.

In The Cultural Context

Ancient Orient and Old Testament, by K. A. Kitchen (Inter-Varsity, 1966, 191 pp., $3.95), is reviewed by Marvin R. Wilson, chairman, Division of Biblical Studies, Barrington College, Barrington, Rhode Island.

Here is a scholarly work that merits the attention of every serious student of the Old Testament. K. A. Kitchen, lecturer in the School of Archaeology and Oriental Studies at Liverpool University, invites the reader to “view afresh the Old Testament writings in their proper Ancient Near Eastern context.” This book is not an exhaustive treatment of the subject; rather, it aims to give some idea of the kind of contribution a study of the Ancient Orient ought to make to the study of the Old Testament by employing a wide sampling of cultural, historical, critical, and linguistic topics. In this task Kitchen succeeds admirably. His work is extensively documented, and the copious, up-to-date bibliographical listing are alone well worth the price of the book.

Kitchen is interested in re-examining the foundations through an inductive approach based upon a personal control of much of the primary source-material. His discussions are candid, forthright, and for the most part dispassionate. He interacts to a considerable degree with the pertinent Egyptological data bearing on the Old Testament, an area too often neglected in the past. In my opinion, however, he passes over too lightly the evidence accumulated by Professor Cyrus Gordon of an East Mediterranean cultural continuum shared by both Hebrew and Greek civilizations (cf. p. 81).

Reading for Perspective

CHRISTIANITY TODAY’S REVIEW EDITORS CALL ATTENTION TO THESE NEW TITLES:

• Christian Reflections, by C. S. Lewis (Eerdmans, $3.95). The devout faith and brilliant intellect of the late Cambridge scholar and Christian apologist illuminate vital topics of culture and religion. A must for C. S. Lewis enthusiasts.

• A Christianity Today Reader, edited by Frank E. Gaebelein (Meredith, $7.95). An inviting sampler of choice articles, editorials, news stories, book reviews, and features published in CHRISTIANITY TODAY during the past decade.

• Theology of the English Reformers, by Philip Edgcumbe Hughes (Eerdmans, $5.95). A compendium of writings by English reformers (e.g., Tyndale, Latimer, and Cranmer) that shows the biblical basis of their teachings.

In developing his thesis, Kitchen takes several chapters to discuss Hebrew chronology. Since, in his own words, “no appeal whatsoever has been made to any theological starting point,” he feels free to go where the evidence leads him. Kitchen dates the patriarchs from 2000 to 1700 B.C. He prefers to date the Exodus after the accession of Rameses II and sets the limits for the Exodus as roughly 1290 to 1260 B.C. and for the beginning of the conquest about 1250 to 1220 B.C. The resulting interval about 300 years between the Exodus and the early years of Solomon (c. 971/970 B.C.) is explained on the basis of other lists of kings in the Ancient Near East, which are not “synchronous histories” (as found in the Book of Kings) but rather contemporary or partly concurrent (not all consecutive) lists. Kitchen deals with First Kings 6:1 by stating that “in the Ancient Orient, chroniclers and other writers often used excerpts from fuller records and this might explain the 480 years—a total of selected figures (details now unknown) taken from a larger total.” The reader can appreciate the author’s approach to the solution of a complex problem whether or not he fully accepts his conclusions.

In addition to historical problems, Kitchen discusses Hebrew contacts with Near Eastern religions. His treatment of the Sinai Covenant, which interacts favorably with Mendenhall’s view, is most enlightening. In later chapters the author deals with matters of literary criticism (documentary hypothesis, form criticism, and oral tradition), linguistic study (Ugaritic contributions are particularly noted), and related topics.

Kitchen’s volume is a significant stride in the direction biblical studies must take if they are to keep abreast with recent discovery. In reading this work, one is impressed anew that the Old Testament Scriptures can be properly understood as biblical revelation only when they are viewed as part of the warp and woof of the East Mediterranean culture in which the Hebrews dwelt.

Canadian Church Growth

The Church Grows in Canada, by Douglas J. Wilson (Ryerson Press, 1966, 224 pp., $3.95), is reviewed by Donald C. Masters, professor of Canadian history, University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario.

Dr. Wilson, editor of religion for the Montreal Star, has produced a useful volume tracing the establishment and development of the various religious groups in Canada, not only Anglicans, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists, but also non-Christian cults like the Unitarians, the Mormons, and Jehovah’s Witnesses. He begins with the church in New France and ends with the Canadian Council of Churches.

Although his own viewpoint is obviously liberal, Wilson makes a commendable attempt to be fair to everybody. He is reasonably fair to the Salvation Army and the Pentecostals and very favorable to the Unitarians, of whom he writes:

Though the Unitarians as a body may be cool or often uncommitted to basic Christian tenets, they are warmly alert to the needs of suffering humanity, always seeking to add service to their avowed goal of a fellowship in widening experiences. Personal and social integration dominate their questing search.…

He devotes a great deal of space to the movement toward church union in Canada and is a strong advocate of the great instrument of cooperation between some of the Protestant Churches, the Canadian Council of Churches. “The separate denominations and churches,” he says, “will have to dwindle in importance, while concerted efforts through the Canadian Council of Churches or other national bodies will have to increase.”

In my opinion, Wilson does not give enough recognition to the role played by the more scholarly exponents of conservative religious opinions. Anglican evangelicals like Bishop Benjamin Cronyn, Edward and S. H. Blake, and James P. Sheraton, Presbyterians like D. H. MacVicar and Sir William Dawson, and comparable figures in other denominations made an important contribution to Canadian Protestantism in the nineteenth century. They have had many worthy successors in our century who have exercised a profound influence in the work of interdenominational bodies such as the Canadian Bible Society, the Gideons, and the Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship. Wilson’s book contains a section on the liberal Student Christian Movement but does not mention the conservative IVCF.

In his section on “The Task Ahead,” the author gives a sympathetic account of “the message” of the early Christian Church. In these days of radical theology, it is encouraging to read of the earliest Christians that “supremely it was in the Incarnation that they found the unique and perfect climate to these divine interventions [the mighty acts of God in human history].” I wish Wilson had seen fit to include a clear reference to the Atonement, a doctrine so basic in orthodox Christian thinking. His failure to do so is probably indicative of his differences with conservative Christians.

An Excellent Appetizer

The Cross in Canada: Vignettes of the Churches Across Four Centuries, edited by John S. Moir (Ryerson Press, 1966, 247 pp., $4.95), is reviewed by Clarence M. Nicholson, principal, Pine Hill Divinity Hall, Halifax, Nova Scotia.

The Canadian Centennial has occasioned a great deal of historical research in Canada, and this useful, sometimes amusing book is one of its ecclesiastical products. We are given selections from records of our past, from the coming of Jacques Cartier to our present ecumenical endeavors.

American readers will be struck by the similarity of the story of the labors and adventures of Canadian pioneers to their own sagas of early days, both east and west. Alongside Captain John Smith, there is the even more heroic figure of Father Brébeuf. Rand and Evans are Canadian counterparts of Williams and Brainerd. We even have a Canadian copy of William Jennings Bryan in the exuberant William (Bible Bill) Aber-hard.

Yet, as John Webster Grant points out in his introduction, there is a significant difference in the relation of the Canadian churches to the national community, when compared with the American experience. The theory of the relation of the church to the state was developed within a different historic situation here. As Grant says of the Canadian churches, “While abandoning claims to the privileges of establishment, they remained National in conception.”

John Moir has selected the documents with competence and a light hand. Echoes of the church union debates of the 1920s are balanced by a gentle caricature of Canadian churchmen done by Stephen Leacock. This is an excellent appetizer for a larger course in Canadian history.

Evangelical Impact—Then And Now

Protestant Church Colleges in Canada: A History, by D. C. Masters (University of Toronto, 1966, 225 pp., $7.50), is reviewed by Leslie K. Tarr, administrator, General Baptist Seminary, Toronto, Ontario.

“Higher education in Canada owes a tremendous debt to the Christian churches.” After reading Dr. Masters’ history, one can hardly contest his conclusion. The book is a documented tribute to the influence of Canadian churches upon higher education. As the foreword points out, “all but a dozen of the universities of Canada had their origins as church-sponsored institutions.”

The study shows that most of the Protestant church colleges were established by persons committed to an orthodox viewpoint. The present picture? “There are few advocates of the older Evangelical position in the independent or affiliated church colleges. With the possible exception of Waterloo Collge [Waterloo Lutheran University], most of the church colleges, in so far as they were concerned with religion at all, were liberal, neo-orthodox, or existentialist in tone.”

Today only four of the original nineteen church-related liberal-arts colleges are independent—Acadia, Bishop’s, Mount Allison, and Waterloo Lutheran. (And are there not rumblings at Acadia?)

In sharp contrast to the strong evangelical roots of Canadian higher education is the present lack of evangelical impact. Probably the greatest influence is had by men—like Dr. Masters—who are teaching liberal-arts subjects in the secular universities.

Masters’ fair and thorough treatment should impress any reader. He has obviously studied his sources and has delved even into the student publications, which often reflect faculty thinking.

One suspects that the tribute paid to the early professors at Brandon College could have been paid to many of these Canadian educational pioneers: “They were contributing their brilliant talents … with a zeal as great as that of any missionary, and under conditions similar in primitiveness and stringency.”

As a Baptist who has a reputation (totally undeserved!) for loving contention, I did miss mention of the Crowe case at United College in Winnipeg and the more recent scuffle at Acadia. Were these incidents not related to the church-academic tension in higher education?

Masters’ fine study is one of three in a series. The others will deal with English and French Catholic colleges.

Three Centuries Of Evangelism

History of Evangelism, by Paulus Scharpff, translated by Helga Bender Henry (Eerdmans, 1966, 373 pp., $5.75), is reviewed by Mark W. Lee, chairman, Department of Speech, Whitworth College, Spokane, Washington.

The subtitle of Scharpff’s work clarifies the scope of his study: “Three Hundred Years of Evangelism in Germany, Great Britain and the United States of America.” Consequently, readers should not expect a report on the leading evangelistic efforts of the early centuries of the Church or on striking occurrences in modern times (e.g., the Swedish movement in the latter part of the nineteenth century or the Korean early in the twentieth). A closing section written by Kenneth L. Chafin provides a short summary of evangelism in America during the last fifty years.

The translation into English of History of Evangelism appears at a time when recent high-level discussions of the need for total Christian witness have had broad circulation among laymen. Numerous ministers have reported the happenings of the World Congress on Evangelism and the NCC convention in Florida. Nearly all significant religious journals and many secular ones have reviewed these meetings also. Scharpff’s book may contribute to the enthusiasm that will rise, it is hoped, from this investigation of evangelism.

The pietism that arose in Germany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is the starting point for Scharpff, although he includes a short beginning review of several important movements during the centuries from about 1000 until 1600. He believes that evangelism, as we know it, could not function fully in earlier times because of the prevailing religious and political restrictions.

Scharpff reveals his understanding of the use of the various means of sacred persuasion. Tracts, Bible portions, and hymns, as well as preaching, have been important methods for evangelism. Luther’s hymns, for example, were considered as effective as his sermons. But in every period, preaching has been the dominant means.

In my opinion, Scharpff’s style either was not fully developed or suffered in translation. The use of superlatives and descriptions that are not discreet in meaning, the phrase interpretations, and extraneous remarks suggest that his editing of his work was inadequate. And the repetition of a number of religious clichés suggests an unimaginative approach. Sometimes compact, sometimes comprehensive, the book is not consistent in those virtues; it is unevenly written. Many passages are pedantic and deal with minutiae rather than movements, causes, and effects. Although one can be inspired by Scharpff’s vignettes and instructed by his references to the origin of various methods, the book lacks the strength of unity. Revision would have given him a much better work, but the illness that led to his death must have prevented final editing.

Much of what is written by evangelicals lacks literary craftsmanship; perhaps this pernicious weakness is itself a barrier to effective evangelism.

History of Evangelism has striking omissions, such as the story of evangelism among Pentecostal groups and in small evangelical denominations. Furthermore, in order to communicate effectively the story of evangelism, a Christian scholar will have to wrestle with the repeated questions being raised about the matter. Note the book by William G. McLoughlin, Jr., Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham, and others. Some of the questions are: Why are there so many excesses related to evangelistic efforts? Why are the movements so often ephemeral or transitory? Yet perhaps Scharpff was interested, not in answering questions, but in sharing an inspiration he had felt for decades.

Book Briefs

Thy Kingdom Come, by John E. Hines (Morehouse-Barlow, 1967, 123 pp., $3.95). The presiding bishop of the Episcopal Church invites men to a new life in the Kingdom of God. A popular presentation—interesting but superficial.

Pew Asks: Pulpit Answers, by W. R. Clarke (Christopher, 1967, 161 pp., $3.95). Actual questions posed by contemporary laymen answered candidly and sensibly by a Presbyterian pastor.

Faith and Philosophy, by James Richmond (Lippincott, 1966, 224 pp., $3.95). A discussion of the contribution of philosophy to religion, from Hume and Kant to Barth and Braithwaite.

Creeds, Councils, and Controversies, edited by J. Stevenson (Seabury, 1966, 390 pp., $9). A collection of documents that illuminate church history, A.D. 337–461.

The World Treasury of Religious Quotations, compiled and edited by Ralph L. Woods (Hawthorn, 1966, 1,106 pp., $15). Fifteen thousand dandy bits of knowledge and opinion that could brighten dull sermons and add luster to any minister’s reputation for erudition!

The Art of Being a Sinner, by John M. Krumm (Seabury, 1967, 128 pp., $3.50). With biblical insights and literary allusions, Krumm fascinatingly discusses the meaning, effects, and cure of sin.

God with Us: A Life of Jesus for Young Readers, by Marianne Radius (Eerdmans, 1966, 286 pp., $4.50). An attractive, readable, and challenging presentation of the life of Christ for young people.

Beacon Bible Commentary, Volume IV: The Major Prophets, by Ross E. Price, et al. (Beacon Hill, 1966, 694 pp., $5.95). A sound exegetical exposition of the major prophets by Church of the Nazarene scholars. Upholds such traditional views as the unity of the Book of Isaiah and sixth century B.C. dating of Daniel.

Preaching as Counseling, by Edmund Holt Linn (Judson, 1966, 159 pp., $3.95). A study of Harry Emerson Fosdick’s pulpit theory, which centered on a specific problem in the life of the individual. His sermonizing method includes many sound principles but does not achieve the immediate and long-range results that expository preaching achieves.

Paperbacks

The Christian Alternative to Socialism, by Irving E. Howard (Crestwood Books, 1966, 155 pp., $2.50). From a Christian perspective Howard defends free-market capitalism and criticizes planned economies.

Youth in Crisis, edited by Peter C. Moore (Seabury, 1966, 146 pp., $2), Charles Malik leads off a series of essays on the crisis facing young people and the responsibility of the schools to them. Be sure to read Frank Gaebelein’s address, “The Christ of Crisis,” but go easy on the immature ramblings of William Sloane Coffin, Jr.

The Grace of God, by Samuel J. Mikolaski (Eerdmans, 1966, 108 pp., $1.65). An excellent study of the centrality of grace in the relation between God and man. Considers Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox doctrines of grace along with that set forth in Scripture. Recommended.

Freeway to Babylon, by Talmage Wilson (self-published, 1966, 312 pp., $1.50). The second edition of a book written and published by an experienced Presbyterian missionary in which he calls attention to the deterioration of theology in his church.

Doomsday Cult, by John Lofland (Prentice-Hall, 1966, 276 pp., $3.75). An illuminating sociological study of the functioning of an unidentified cultic group: steps in conversion, methods of proselytization, and maintenance of cultic life.

addApple PodcastsDown ArrowDown ArrowDown Arrowarrow_left_altLeft ArrowLeft ArrowRight ArrowRight ArrowRight Arrowarrow_up_altUp ArrowUp ArrowAvailable at Amazoncaret-downCloseCloseellipseEmailEmailExpandExpandExternalExternalFacebookfacebook-squarefolderGiftGiftGooglegoogleGoogle KeephamburgerInstagraminstagram-squareLinkLinklinkedin-squareListenListenListenChristianity TodayCT Creative Studio Logologo_orgMegaphoneMenuMenupausePinterestPlayPlayPocketPodcastprintremoveRSSRSSSaveSavesaveSearchSearchsearchSpotifyStitcherTelegramTable of ContentsTable of Contentstwitter-squareWhatsAppXYouTubeYouTube