Ideas

Racial Unity Is Out of Style

Contributor

Christians’ race debate is increasingly a battle between those blind to the sin of racism and those convinced racism and sexism are the only sins.

A black and white silhouette of a face made of paper
Christianity Today January 17, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: WikiMedia Commons

Cultural sentiments can change in unexpected ways. People are complicated, and the direction of our discourse is often unpredictable. After losing the presidential election, Democratic Party leaders are learning—or should be learning—this the hard way. It turns out demographics aren’t destiny after all.

Some have called this change in the spirit of the day a “vibe shift.” But whatever we call it, for better or worse, it’s clear that many in our society began to feel differently over the last four or eight years about what’s valuable and prudent. In the flash of an eye, old terms, narratives, and frameworks lost their power.

With that context, it’s time to consider how race relations in the American church have actually worsened over the past half decade or so. The sentiment seems to have shifted in such a significant way that the once-popular racial-reconciliation project is now passé in many spaces. Even the term racial reconciliation feels corny and cringeworthy to some. But the problem is much bigger than semantics: I see the church’s racial and partisan divide growing at a moment when society most needs an example of a Christian ethic that destroys racial barriers and the dividing walls of partisan hostility (Eph. 2:14).

So why does it seem that the American church’s racial-unity experiment is no longer fashionable? Why do many of us no longer want to be unified? 

Intrachurch race relations have been far from perfect. Yet events like MLK50 in 2018 offered hope that we could head in the right direction by bringing together diverse leaders with credibility in their respective communities. Seven years later, after right-wing backlash and much of the melanin leaving these organizations and denominations, assembling a similar group of leaders might prove more difficult.

More broadly, many of the Christian influencers who were on the cutting edge of the national racial-restoration effort appear to have given up and resolved to focus on their own church communities instead. I sympathize with that response because many of those who stuck their necks out to profess historical, biblical truth about race and pursue racial unity were professionally and reputationally punished. They were kicked out of churches and ministry jobs and had their careers sabotaged. I applaud those who stood up for themselves. 

Therein lies one of the primary reasons I believe Christian race relations have soured: a bitter reprisal from some on the church’s far right. Those who had an aversion to even talking about racial justice lashed out, engaging in fearmongering rather than debate and scaring people away from even the most constructive conversations about race. They seized on the excesses of progressivism to discredit racial-restoration efforts altogether. 

By design, their heavy-handed approach squeezed all the compassion out of their tribe. To even mourn for George Floyd or Breonna Taylor, in their telling, was to be brainwashed by wokeness. And this wasn’t just wild talk on the internet. It shaped major Christian institutions and sent race relations backward in the church.

A second factor aggravating all this was the reaction from some on the far left. The response to bad behavior can also be bad, which is why Frederick Douglass publicly disagreed with and separated himself from some abolitionists. Though they agreed on the wickedness of slavery, Douglass knew methods still mattered. That was not bothsidesism. It was an honest, impartial, and comprehensive critique from someone who wanted justice and order, not merely any win for his side.

Plenty of racial-justice efforts have been sincere and constructive, but inside and outside the church, the cause has also been misused as a vehicle to launder other progressive issues, like undermining the nuclear family. A lucrative industry emerged with no intention to actually solve the problem. 

Regrettably, instead of confidently responding on our own terms as justice-conscious Christians, too many of us simply mimicked popular secular thinkers. Christian racial-justice efforts became a knockoff or repackaging of projects with no foundation in our faith. We religiously regurgitated their language without sufficient critique, even self-righteously berating fellow Christians who hadn’t memorized the vocabulary.

Like the Christian nationalists we were opposing, we dabbled in the dark arts of identity idolatry, casting aspersions against entire groups of people while demanding all grace for our own in rituals of self-justification and self-exaltation. Most regrettably, we lost sight of the importance of holiness, following secular activists into positions that undermined the authority of Scripture and sanctity of life. 

The race debate in much of the church increasingly became a battle between those who were blind to the sin of racism and those who believed racism and sexism were the only sins.

Where do we go from here? Our resentments do not glorify a Savior who congregated with and died for tax collectors, zealots, prostitutes, and thieves. Remember, Christian unity is a command, not an option (1 Cor. 1:10).

We can throw up our hands and maintain our contempt for one another—but it will come at a cost. Every time we give a lesson or sermon on the Christian love ethic, we’ll do so with a measure of hypocrisy. Every time we tell our children about the necessity of grace and mercy, the stench of insincerity will betray us. Every time we pray, “Thy Kingdom come,” we’ll do so under the shadow of false pretense. 

Without deeds of reconciliation to match these words of love, grace, and unity, the wider society will continue to question if we really believe what we say. Our divisions rob the church of credibility. 

This is why we can’t give up on racial reconciliation in the church. We must have the moral imagination and determination to find a greater unity, working with and learning from nonbelievers without being indoctrinated by them. 

Even when that work seems impossible, I take inspiration from elders like Barbara Williams-SkinnerJo Anne Lyonpastor Bob Roberts, and John Jenkins. If they’re still committed to pursuing racial unity after decades of disappointments, so am I. We’ll need new approaches and possibly new language, but the endgame must remain redemption, never retribution. 

Not everyone is ready to move forward constructively, but we need a remnant—a coalition of the faithful who are willing to overcome past slights to pick up the cross. Those who are willing to lower themselves to help up their neighbors. Whether in style or out, self-sacrificial pursuit of racial unity is a Christian responsibility. It’s a kingdom prerequisite. 

We can either follow the vibe or follow the Spirit.

Justin Giboney is an ordained minister, an attorney, and the president of the AND Campaign, a Christian civic organization. He’s the coauthor of Compassion (&) Conviction: The AND Campaign’s Guide to Faithful Civic Engagement.

News

Assessing the Israel-Hamas Peace Deal: Amid Tragedy, Cautious Optimism

Dozens of hostages are slated for release, but at what cost?

Protesters gathered at dozens of locations across Israel calling to end the war in Gaza for a hostage deal.

Protesters gathered at dozens of locations across Israel calling to end the war in Gaza for a hostage deal.

Christianity Today January 16, 2025
SOPA Images / Getty

After 15 months of war and failed negotiations, Israel and Hamas agreed Wednesday to pause fighting and to begin exchanging hostages imprisoned in Gaza for Palestinians in Israeli jails.

The deal brings hope for Palestinians facing food shortages and widespread death and destruction, but its terms are controversial for an Israeli public traumatized by the October 7, 2023, terrorist attack—and wary of security concessions. Israel’s cabinet still has to give the deal its blessing.

Phase one involves a six-week ceasefire and the exchange of 33 men, women, and children (or for those who perished, their bodies) for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. Similar past exchanges freed hardened militants who turned around and committed acts of violence against Israelis.

For instance, in 2011, Hamas exchanged one kidnapped Israeli soldier for 1,000 Palestinian prisoners. One of those prisoners was Yahya Sinwar, the now-dead Hamas leader who engineered the October 7 cross-border attacks that left 1,200 dead and 250 people taken hostage. 

“The basic principle is you don’t negotiate with terrorists who say, ‘We’re going to kill you anyways, and that’s the reason for our existence,’” said Israel Pochtar, an Israeli pastor at Congregation Beit Hallel, a church he founded 17 years ago in the city of Ashdod, 23 miles north of Gaza.

Dozens of members from his church left Ashdod to serve in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) after October 7, even as the church grieved the loss of the youth leader’s son, a 20-year-old who had grown up in the church and was serving on the front lines when Hamas attacked. Congregation Beit Hallel currently has 30 men, some in leadership positions, serving in the reserves.

Pochtar can see Gaza from his 30th-floor apartment, an unnerving proximity for him in light of another requirement attached to the deal: Israeli troops will withdraw to a buffer zone less than a mile wide along Gaza’s eastern border. Though he and others are glad dozens of hostages are scheduled for release, they ask, At what cost?

IDF troops spent the past 15 months in Gaza clearing Hamas strongholds—many stationed under hospitals and mosques and throughout hundreds of miles of tunnels—and establishing security corridors to prevent weapons smuggling. Some analysts believe an Israeli troop withdrawal will be a green light for the remaining Hamas fighters to regroup and rearm. 

Still, Pochtar empathized with the families of the hostages: “As a father of three, if my children were kidnapped in Gaza, I would just want my kids home.”

The initial phase of hostage releases will take place over several weeks and includes female soldiers, children, and civilians who are more than 50 years old. Two of the three American hostages may be part of the initial exchange. 

A November 2023 ceasefire deal freed more than 100 hostages from captivity in Gaza. Israeli officials say there are 98 hostages, including four taken prior to October 2023, though analysts suspect one-third are dead.

Also part of the arrangement between Hamas and Israel: Gazans return to what homes they may still have, and the flow of aid increases. The tragedy for families in Gaza has been immense; according to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, more than 46,000 Palestinians have died since October 2023. (That estimate does not distinguish between civilians and Hamas combatants.)

The ceasefire is scheduled to begin on Sunday. If it holds, another round of talks addressing Gaza’s “day after” plan for governance will begin 16 days later. Negotiators from Qatar, Egypt, and the United States, including Trump’s Middle East envoy and members of the Biden administration, helped broker the agreement.

Both sides could face significant roadblocks in phase two. Israel wants assurances that Hamas will be eliminated as a political option and crippled as a terrorist enterprise. Hamas wants a pathway to survival. 

One little-reported outcome: Pochtar knows Hamas members who have come to faith in Christ. He is praying for gospel intervention in the weeks ahead: “Anyone who comes to Jesus gains the power to forgive and the desire to bring the gospel to your enemies.”

Israel hasn’t officially approved the deal and has accused Hamas of backpedaling on some aspects of the agreement. But the delay could also be related to “coalition politics” among Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, stated The Times of Israel. According to reports from Israel on Thursday evening, a small security cabinet will vote on the cease-fire on Friday, followed by a full cabinet vote on Saturday.

Since the ceasefire announcement, Israeli airstrikes have killed 83 people, including 23 children and 27 women, a spokesperson for Gaza’s civil defense said Thursday. The IDF told CNN they “conducted strikes on approximately 50 terror targets across the Gaza Strip.”

This is a developing story.

Culture

When Insurance Denies Your Child’s Treatment

I’ve been angry. I’ve been frantic. This time, I’m watching for the Lord.

Torn strips of paper showing a child's face and an insurance claim form.
Christianity Today January 16, 2025
Illustration by Elizabeth Kaye / Source Images: Getty, New York Public Library, Wikimedia Commons

Eight days before Christmas, our health insurance told us they would deny our son’s critical mental health treatment, effective mid-January, on our wedding anniversary. 

Merry Christmas!

I use the word critical to describe the treatment our son needed because, while it is not exactly a matter of life and death, it is important, expensive, and rare. His condition has improved significantly because of it, and we’d been feeling more hopeful about his health than we had in years.

“Hello, I hope you are doing well,” the email read. “Our utilization management team has determined that the treatment needs for your child are not meeting medical necessity. If you disagree with this decision, you have the option to appeal. Additionally, the provider can request a peer-to-peer review with our medical director.”

You can bet that we disagreed with this decision. But we didn’t immediately register its ramifications. We had other important things going on—working, caring for the rest of our children, putting food on the table, attending to Advent.

When your children have experienced an early childhood full of adversity, like ours have, the effects are long-lived and pervasive. You make hundreds of visits to pediatricians, specialists, psychiatrists, psychologists, therapists, pharmacies, group classes, workshops, conferences, educators, school districts, social workers, hospitals, and consultants. Each visit has its own set of phone calls, emails, privacy agreements, referrals, releases of information, billing, pre-authorizations, insurance estimates, health portal logins … You get the idea.

This administrative burden on people who are already sick results in new harms. A Wall Street Journal writer compellingly described how chronic aggravations of this kind can contribute to a kind of madness.

None of this justifies violent retaliation, like the recent murder of a health care CEO. I do not condone personal revenge or killing. I do understand the deep, painful frustrations that cause many to view the alleged murderer as a kind of Robin Hood of healthcare. The denial of an important medical claim, especially for a child, almost always causes a certain amount of freaking out.

This is an upheaval with major consequences. Most obviously, of course, the child doesn’t receive crucial care. Less obviously, you suffer a blow to your idea of being able to fulfill a parent’s basic job: to protect and provide. You find yourself in a hellish place where you are utterly responsible and ultimately powerless.

These losses often play out in a way that resembles the initial stages of grief: existential denial (“They can’t do that”) and anger (“How dare they”). It is tempting to spend a lot of time and energy in these states after hearing about what insurance won’t cover. The adrenaline can help propel you through the effort needed to fight for your child’s safety.

But not this time. This time I experienced a kind of withering. It was not my first rodeo. I knew by now that the company very well could and most probably would deny the treatment. I also wasn’t angry, exactly. I was fallen myself—so it made sense to me that “the insurance people,” in their fallen way, produce a fallen system that produces harms for vulnerable children.

Plus, it was the Christmas season, and we didn’t have a tree yet. We were hosting dinner with family in a few days. Our oven had conked out. This time, I had no fuel to flare my indignation.

Even so, my spirit was beguiled by a different response: frenetic effort. We will fight this. We will beat them at their own game. We will crush them with a preponderance of evidence. Open season on determinations of medical necessity!

Effort is seductive—so many avenues of action look promising. You can make urgent calls to the insurance case manager. You can send them emails. You can call customer service. You can ask to speak to their supervisor. You can draft an appeal. You can append supporting documentation. You can “document, document, document.” You can call all the providers within a hundred-mile radius for alternatives. You can recruit experts to corroborate medical need. You can find out whether the insurance uses the InterQual or the Calocus-Casii criteria to determine medical necessity. You can call your state’s insurance ombudsman. You can call the state commissioner on insurance. You can call your elected representatives. You can scroll through CoverMyMentalHealth.org. You can retain a lawyer. You can mount a GoFundMe for out-of-pocket medical expenses in case you need to cover the tens of thousands of dollars that the treatment costs (sometimes private pay is an option; sometimes it is not).

I did some of these things, but I confess that I did not do them all. It’s not actually that easy to carry out such a campaign or retain a lawyer in the final weeks of the calendar year. There just aren’t that many business days at December’s end; everyone is on holiday and sending you automatically to voicemail.

I did not know whether I was called to drop everything to contest this decision in the last week before Christmas. In church, we had just lit the fourth candle of the Advent wreath, representing peace. “We celebrate the announcement of the coming of the Prince of Peace,” the worship leader had said, soothingly, “and the greatness of God’s love revealed through the Christ child.”

Perhaps I was affected subconsciously by all this peace talk. But I found I just couldn’t keep feuding, not in the midst of the holiday, even if I deeply disagreed with our insurance’s decision. I didn’t know whether that was foolhardiness or faith. Maybe it was both.

Instead, two images kept coming to mind. One was of the prophet Elijah coming to the end of his rope, running away, and collapsing in the wilderness, only to be fed fresh baked bread and cool water by a ministering angel (1 Kings 19). And the second image was of the weaned child of Psalm 131:2, not concerned with matters too great or wonderful but calmed, quieted, and content with its mother. 

I don’t want to hyperspiritualize our situation or paint ourselves as the prophets of old in a deadly fight with the Jezebel of health insurance. Yet I did feel keenly that the journey had been too much and that there was just not much we could do about any of it.

I also suspected that the allure of frenetic effort was more about distracting myself from the more grievous reality—that God could bring healing to this child if he wanted to, instantly and involving no insurance at all. Is the Lord’s arm too short? What does the appeal process look like for years of unanswered prayers?

I remembered King Jehoshaphat’s prayer in another situation of bewilderment and powerlessness. “Our God, will you not judge them?” he prayed. “For we have no power to face this vast army that is attacking us. We do not know what to do, but our eyes are on you” (2 Chron. 20:12).

He and his people stood before the Lord. Then they heard, “You will not have to fight this battle. Take up your positions; stand firm and see the deliverance the Lord will give you, Judah and Jerusalem” (v. 17).

Maybe I am not withering at all. Maybe I am taking up my position and standing firm, watching.

Maybe this watching is shaped by the example of Mary, whose faithfulness to the purposes of God meant watching her beloved son suffer and die, with no life-saving intervention possible from her effort or anyone else’s. Within this tangle of hopelessness, the hope was present, invisibly at first. But for those watching, God would give eyes to see something completely new.

The Lord has not yet brought our children healing, at least not in a way that I can clearly see. And he may not. That is a matter too wonderful for me—and I merely a child. I wish I knew how to write an appeal to end all appeals and to smite the insurance executives with a peer-to-peer review the likes of which they have never seen. But I don’t know how to do that either. 

Now that Christmas has passed, my meager efforts will have to suffice. I will write the appeal I know how to write—this is the position I have to take up, the only way I know how to stand firm and watch for the deliverance the Lord will give. We’ll see how it goes. 

Wendy Kiyomi is an adoptive parent, scientist, and writer in Tacoma, Washington, whose work on faith, adoption, and friendship has also appeared in Plough Quarterly, Image, Mockingbird, and The Englewood Review of Books. She is a 2023 winner of the Zenger Prize.

Theology

Spiritual Gifts with Strings Attached?

Contributor

How the concept of reciprocity can build up the church.

Several gifts set in a row with their ribbons connected.
Christianity Today January 16, 2025
Illustration by Elizabeth Kaye / Source Images: Pexels

I can still remember sitting at the desk, shading the tiny white bubbles gray as I made my way down the page, No. 2 pencil in hand. I was about 13 years old, and I had never taken a multiple-choice test quite like this. What would the results say about me, and what would that mean for my future?

The answers wouldn’t showcase my math or social studies skills but my spiritual gifts. The test was the culmination of a class I had been taking at my church. Over the course of several weeks, we sat inside a sparse, utilitarian classroom to learn about how the Holy Spirit gives each of us special abilities to use in ministry. I was eager to know how God would use me to build his kingdom. 

When all the bubbles were tallied, I stared at the results with a mixture of pride and trembling. The gift of teaching came out strong. Giving scored high, too. The gift of mercy barely registered, which felt a bit embarrassing. Some other gifts I could scarcely define. What did the gift of prophecy mean? Would I be able to peer into the future?

Thirty years later, I can say the results were spot-on in some ways, especially when it comes to teaching. But I’ve also realized the test may not get a passing grade. Its individualistic approach to spiritual gifts misses the mark.

The apostle Paul focuses more on spiritual gifts than any other biblical writers do. And yet I can’t picture him poring over a self-guided spiritual-gifts assessment or proudly identifying as an Enneagram Type One. Paul wasn’t interested in personal empowerment or self-discovery. 

The word gift is part of what confuses the matter. In English, a gift can be something we give to another or a strength possessed by an individual. We might say, “She has a real gift with words.” That’s not what Paul had in mind.

Paul used the word charisma to refer to various ministries to which God calls believers. Charisma, or “gift,”  has its source in the Greek word for “grace” (charis). Spiritual gifts, as we call them, are grace with flesh on. We are gifts to one another.

To find out why Paul speaks of spiritual gifts in this way, we must consider how he understood grace. We usually associate grace with God’s unmerited favor in saving us—as we should. But first-century believers wouldn’t have been belting out “Amazing Grace,” because grace wasn’t a religious word back then. It signaled the social glue that bonded humans to one another in a mutually supportive relationship. 

A little art history can help us understand what grace would have meant to Paul and the early Christians. The Three Graces from Greek mythology illustrate how people thought about grace in Paul’s world. A painting of the Graces features a trio of young women dancing, each joining hands with the others to form a circle. In this detail from Sandro Botticelli’s painting “Primavera” from the 1400s, the women’s clothing is nearly transparent; like the generosity of a gift, nothing is held back. Together, they represent the three dimensions of grace: the generosity of the giver, the gift itself, and the gratitude the gift evokes.

A painting by Sandro Botticelli showing the Three Graces.Wikimedia Commons
Primavera by Sandro Botticelli

Grace, it turns out, always needs another. One grace by itself would be incomplete—a gift received without gratitude, for example. The women in the painting stand on tiptoes, suggesting motion. Their graceful dance of reciprocity illustrates their bond of friendship. That’s grace, first-century style.

In the modern West, we value a gift with no strings attached because it preserves our autonomy—we aren’t beholden to anyone. In Paul’s collectivist context, gift giving was never an isolated act but part of a perpetual dance between giver and receiver which created interdependency and ongoing delight.

A gift of grace was an invitation to enter into community, as well as the privileges and obligations that came with it. To accept a gift meant to accept all it entailed, including the duty to return grace to the giver by using the gift in an honorable way. In other words, gifts came with strings attached—in the best way.

Whenever Paul speaks of “grace” that is “given”—and he does so at least 12 times in his letters—he is referring to specific ministry assignments. He says, “To each one of us grace has been given as Christ apportioned it” (Eph. 4:7). He’s not talking about salvific grace; neither is he focused on individual superpowers. He’s about to list ministry roles. His language here matches what he says about his own ministry earlier, in chapter 3, when he claims, “This grace was given me: to preach to the Gentiles the boundless riches of Christ” (3:8). 

The circular dance of grace is evident in Paul’s writing. For him, the grace God gives is more of a ministry assignment than a particular ability. And Paul is explicit about the purpose of these ministry assignments: 

So Christ himself gave the apostles, the prophets, the evangelists, the pastors and teachers, to equip his people for works of service, so that the body of Christ may be built up until we all reach unity in the faith and in the knowledge of the Son of God and become mature, attaining to the whole measure of the fullness of Christ. (4:11–13)

Paul doesn’t speak of spiritual gifts as divine packages that arrive on individual doorsteps but as people sent to build up the church. As we offer our service to our church communities, we give the gifts of those ministries to others. We become the gifts. 

The gifts, or graces, God has given his church are people who cultivate collective maturity by doing what God called them to do. These gifts don’t work in isolation, and they aren’t ours to withhold. As we learned in Sunday school, our little lights weren’t meant to be hidden under bushel baskets. They were meant to shine.

Paul calls all of us to use our God-given gifts on behalf of others. We don’t activate our gifts by focusing on ourselves but by collectively stewarding God’s graces. The pressures of life or the dynamics of our congregations can make us into wallflowers, but we were made for the dance floor.

To withhold our spiritual gifts—our ministries of service and our very selves—is to impoverish our communities. Paul writes that “to each one the manifestation of the Spirit is given for the common good” (1 Cor. 12:7). We don’t just receive the gifts of the Spirit; we are the Spirit’s gifts for one another. 

And these gifts have strings attached. If the church refuses to receive someone working to fulfill their ministry assignment from God, the dance of grace comes to a screeching halt.

Paul’s grace—his calling from God—was to bring the gospel to the Gentiles. Grace compelled Paul to deliver the gift by serving a church that did not always know what to do with him. 

Paul announced himself to the Galatians as “Paul, an apostle—sent not from men nor by a man, but by Jesus Christ and God the Father, who raised him from the dead” (Gal. 1:1). Paul understood his calling as divinely directed. He had been sent. He was a gift. He knew he had no choice but to respond to God’s grace by serving others, even when his service came with great suffering and personal sacrifice. 

I wonder if our spiritual-gifts assessments and personality tests might limit us to our comfort zones when we could be meant for more. Graces don’t always align with our natural gifts and abilities; sometimes God calls us to serve the church in ways that are uncomfortable. The point is not self-fulfillment but service.

Mercy was my lowest score on the spiritual-gifts test I took in the ’90s. Based on that test, it was fitting for me to become a Bible professor rather than a hospice nurse. A caregiving role is not a natural fit for me. However, God recently gave me a new assignment supporting a family member with dementia. To my surprise, the journey has been sweet so far. I can sense the Spirit’s empowerment as I collaborate with fellow believers who are also there to help. I would have missed so much by saying no to this assignment.

That spiritual gifts assessment didn’t get it quite right. It assumed I needed to look within myself to discover a hidden spiritual superpower that would help me decide how to spend my life. A better approach is to prayerfully ask God, together with our community, where he wants each of us to serve and then seek to steward those opportunities faithfully. Callings are often discerned communally. 

We need each other to become the kind of Christian community through which God’s presence is made manifest to the world. That’s the only way we can experience the fullness of God’s grace in every sense of the word. 

Carmen Joy Imes is associate professor of Old Testament at Biola University and author of Bearing God’s Name and Being God’s Image. She’s currently writing her next book, Becoming God’s Family: Why the Church Still Matters.

Books
Review

Would You Rather Be Free from Sin or from State Regulation?

For Christians, the answer is clear. But that shouldn’t entail a light regard for religious, economic, and political liberty.

A snake with pieces made of a column
Christianity Today January 16, 2025
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch Tlapek / Source Images: WikiMedia Commons

We use the words freedom and liberty frequently but often loosely and inconsistently. In his new book, Called to Freedom: Retrieving Christian Liberty in an Age of License, Brad Littlejohn clarifies the uses and abuses of these terms and constructs a Christian account of liberty to incorporate its various dimensions. Well-written, clear, and concise, the book should not fail to illuminate and stimulate.

Littlejohn, founder of the Davenant Institute, begins by identifying some paradoxes that provoke the need for such a book. Unlimited freedom is impossible for humans. We’re inevitably in bondage to something. Yet some sorts of bondage are liberating, while others are dehumanizing. Our present culture seeks ever-increasing freedom yet has fallen into some of the worst kinds of bondage. The first chapter thus surveys various conceptions of freedom. Littlejohn aspires to “present an alternative account of freedom that navigates among the various poles.”

The second and third chapters discuss freedom as it pertains specifically to salvation in Christ. Littlejohn first discusses “spiritual freedom,” which Christians receive in justification. He describes justification as a once-for-all freedom from the burden of doing good works to earn everlasting life. He distinguishes such spiritual freedom from the absence of political and moral restraints. Littlejohn then turns to “moral freedom,” the Spirit’s gradual liberation of Christians from bondage to indwelling sin. Here, he gives extended attention to ancient pagan virtue theory, acknowledging both its useful insights and the ultimate vanity of non-Christian virtue.

The remaining four chapters address freedom in various dimensions of broader social life. Chapter 4 focuses on “political freedom.” Here, Littlejohn compares two competing philosophical theories: liberty of political right and liberty of political rights. The former characterized traditional societies that used constraints and incentives to steer their people toward making good choices that furthered the common good. The latter characterizes modern liberal societies dedicated to limited government and individual freedom.

Littlejohn notes strengths and weaknesses of each conception. He also compares the tolerance of early liberals, which still presumed the existence of objective right and wrong, from more recent libertine versions of liberalism that glorify lifestyle diversity for its own sake. Littlejohn advocates a third way of thinking about political liberty: the “liberty of law” or “freedom as self-government.” From this perspective, the real danger isn’t authority itself but arbitrary authority unconstrained by law.

Chapter 5 reflects on freedom in light of modern technology. Littlejohn recognizes the goodness of technology insofar as it brings “the original hidden glories of creation to full expression” and mitigates the curse against sin described in Genesis 3. But we’re prone to seek a false freedom through technology, a liberation from the limits of creaturehood. Littlejohn thinks the digital realm is especially dangerous in this regard. Perhaps worse, biotechnology threatens to transform the purpose of health care from restoring an ailing body to overcoming human nature. Just because we can do something doesn’t mean we should.

Chapter 6 turns to freedom in the marketplace. Littlejohn identifies two competing visions of economic freedom: One focuses on individual liberty (especially for consumers), and another pursues collective liberty for the nation as a whole. He believes most American Christians think of a “free market” as maximizing consumer choices, but he argues that consumerism proves to be a false freedom. He also discusses the enslaving vices of both greed and prodigality, claiming that the “right relation of the Christian to wealth is one of grateful detachment.”

The final chapter considers religious liberty. Littlejohn suspects that our modern intuitions about freedom are most likely to mislead us here. He says Christians have “strong grounds both theological and prudential” to support “generous protections and exemptions for individual conscience claims.” But he warns against turning religious liberty into libertinism or allowing it to weaken the church’s public witness.

To this end, he first describes Martin Luther’s conception of religious liberty, which resembles modern ideas. He then outlines the “classical Protestant theory of religious liberty,” with which he sympathizes. The latter held that civil leaders can’t coerce the conscience but have authority to promote Christianity, support the church, and prohibit false teaching and worship that harm the community—although it’s often wise for leaders not to wield this authority. Littlejohn urges his readers to “get real” about religious liberty and recognize that every society embodies some vision about what is right and wrong.

Littlejohn’s work has a great many strengths. One of its overarching themes might be framed as a choice: Would you rather be inwardly free from bondage to sin while remaining outwardly unfree, or enjoy maximal outward freedom while remaining inwardly enslaved? Consider the virtuous Christian locked in prison for his faith and the “free” American addicted to alcohol, pornography, or shopping. Littlejohn deserves commendation for clearly explaining why the first scenario is preferable to the second.

A related and equally helpful theme running through the book is that a society with many outward freedoms will function well only if its citizens are virtuous, or inwardly free. As Littlejohn puts it, “a free government … depends on a virtuous people.” He notes that citizens capable of governing themselves won’t need draconian laws or ubiquitous policing (chapter 4), that people who are honest in business won’t require numerous economic regulations (chapter 6), and that a community marked by the virtue of tolerance can exist peacefully amid differences when granted religious liberty (chapter 7). Only morally mature people will use outward freedoms well. Outwardly free societies with morally immature people face many troubles. Littlejohn also deserves credit for highlighting these important truths.

Because Littlejohn deals with so many issues that intersect with competing claims about liberty, most readers will probably find themselves arguing with him at one point or another. For my part, I wonder if, in his understandable zeal to expose dangerous false promises in what we typically call the “free market” and “religious liberty,” he has understated the genuine goodness of these freedoms and granted too much authority to civil leaders to constrain them for a nebulous “common good.”

To be fair, Littlejohn seems to assume a readership prone to be naively enthusiastic about free markets and religious liberty, and he wishes to challenge them. Had he envisioned theocratic socialists as his primary audience, his emphases undoubtedly would have differed. Littlejohn also isn’t overly political, in the sense of prescribing specific public-policy positions, and when he does venture into this territory, he ordinarily identifies both strengths and weaknesses of various opinions. Moreover, he states that prudence often advises civil officials not to exercise all the power they have in principle.

That said, it’s worth raising a few issues. On a general level, Littlejohn at times seems to jump from the observation that without certain virtues, people won’t use their outward freedoms well the conclusion that civil officials may therefore legitimately restrict these freedoms. But although the observation is valid, the conclusion doesn’t necessarily follow. On what basis do civil officials have authority, for example, to restrict market transactions or prohibit non-Christian religions for the “common good” when no force or fraud is involved?

Perhaps instructive is Littlejohn’s understanding of civil authorities as “fathers of their people” who ought to “exercise paternal care” for them. There is some similarity between fathers and civil magistrates, but there are also so many differences that it seems dangerous to invoke this analogy as grounds for specific government regulations. For one thing, fathers have extensive authority over even minute details of their children’s lives. On that analogy, civil officials could regulate almost anything. Perhaps even worse, the analogy presumes that citizens are children. This seems to work at cross-purposes to Littlejohn’s oft-stated ideal that citizens be morally mature and self-governing.

We see another reason for Littlejohn’s openness to extensive government authority in his support for the “classical Protestant theory of religious liberty.” He explains this theory as follows: In Romans 13 and 1 Peter 2, God calls civil authorities to punish evil and praise the good (although not, contra Littlejohn, to “reward” or “promote” the good). The natural moral law defines what is evil and good. The Ten Commandments summarize the natural moral law. This means, in Littlejohn’s telling, that civil officials have authority to enforce the “full scope” of the Ten Commandments.

But there’s a problem with this reasoning. The fact that civil officials punish evil and praise the good doesn’t entail giving them jurisdiction over all that is evil and good. What’s more, the natural moral law—what we know about right and wrong from the testimony of nature—doesn’t provide nearly enough guidance for civil authorities on which religion to promote or restrain. The testimony of nature itself doesn’t reveal truths about the Trinity, atonement for sin, the church, and other core matters.

At best, Littlejohn’s belief that civil magistrates may restrain non-Christian worship and proselytizing needs more extensive argument. Could Scripture provide it? One might appeal to the precedent of Old Testament kings under the Mosaic theocracy, which is exactly what many pre-modern Christian theologians did. But since contemporary political communities are not God’s holy people, in redemptive covenant with God, such appeals are highly problematic. Littlejohn briefly glances at these issues but doesn’t really discuss them.

At one point, Littlejohn states that Christians can disregard ungodly rulers when they issue clear commands to transgress Scripture. Yet in other cases, he argues, we can cheerfully tolerate them. Are there really no other instances when Christians might justly disregard such rulers? When rulers act contrary to the laws of their own community, for example, shouldn’t citizens commit to following the law instead?

Littlejohn himself, when discussing political freedom as liberty under law, appeals to the classical notion that law should be consensual. In other words, it ought to emerge from “time-tested customs and communal practices, unwritten laws that written laws should respect.” This is indeed a noble idea. But if we take it seriously, it requires the people to have a great deal of independence to forge their own ways of life, which entails corresponding limitations on civil authority. It would have been interesting to see Littlejohn develop this theme and reflect more on its implications.

Even if Littlejohn’s conception of the extent of civil authority needs further defense, his larger perspective on Christian liberty is solid, insightful, and sometimes eloquent. Called to Freedom usefully clarifies the issues at stake, even if it doesn’t settle all of them. It should stimulate, but not end, important discussions on what it means to be free.

David VanDrunen is a professor of systematic theology and Christian ethics at Westminster Seminary California. He is the author of Politics after Christendom: Political Theology in a Fractured World.

News

How Pepperdine University Is Helping Fight the LA Fires

When water was in short supply, the Christian school’s reservoirs helped out.

An LA County helicopter does a water drop on the Palisade Fire in Los Angeles.

An LA County helicopter comes in to make a water drop on the Palisade Fire on January 11, 2025.

Christianity Today January 15, 2025
Photo by Jon Putman / NurPhoto

Even as wildfires burn neighborhoods nearby, destroying the homes of some faculty and students, Pepperdine University is starting its spring semester by helping local firefighters in Los Angeles. 

With firefighters in the area facing water shortages, the Christian university in Malibu has provided essential help by giving them access to the university’s two water reservoirs, which hold the school’s recycled and treated water. Helicopters suck up the water and can transfer it to firefighters on the ground or make water drops over the fires. 

California governor Gavin Newsom shared a video of an LA County Fire Department helicopter pulling water from one of Pepperdine’s lakes, saying, “Multiple water refills in just a matter of minutes.”

“Pepperdine has a close, long-lasting relationship with the Los Angeles County Fire Department,” said Ricky Eldridge, associate vice president at Pepperdine University and leader of the Center for Sustainability, in a statement to CT. The school ensures “its lakes are available for them, along with any other jurisdictions fighting fires in the region (e.g., Cal Fire).”

The two lakes exist because Pepperdine designed its Malibu campus in the early 1970s with both fire safety and water conservation in mind. The school reports it has saved 4 billion gallons of water since 1972—enough to fill over 6,000 Olympic-sized swimming pools. 

“This duty arises out of our belief that we are called to respect and care for the awesome gifts that God has bestowed upon us,” the university said in its sustainability policy

Due to the tens of thousands of acres burning in the Los Angeles area, water supplies available to Los Angeles firefighters started to run short during the initial wildfire attack last week. The water shortages produced dramatic scenes, like a man begging a firefighter to turn the little remaining water on his home, according to The New York Times

The problem was like putting too many straws in a cup of water, said Cal Fire public information officer Colin Noyes. 

If you put one straw in a cup of water, “it’s going to take a while to empty it,” he said in an interview with CT. “But if you put too many [in] all at once trying to do all these different things—and you use the same water supply—you’re going to have issues, no matter where you are around the state.”

Santa Ana wind gusts of up to 70 miles per hour have continued to threaten Los Angeles this week, which could lead to “explosive fire growth,” according to the National Weather Service. As of early Wednesday, the Palisades Fire was 18 percent contained, and the Eaton Fire was 35 percent contained. The fires have killed at least 25 people, and over a dozen are missing.

Pepperdine just survived the Franklin Fire in December, with students sheltering in place in the campus’s fireproof buildings. The school reported that the Franklin Fire in December burned brush that helped keep the Palisades Fire from spreading to Pepperdine.

Since the construction of the campus in 1972, Pepperdine has used recycled water as its main water source for irrigation and fire fighting. Drinking water, which becomes wastewater, is sent to one of two treatment facilities: the Tapia Water Reclamation Facility or the Malibu Mesa Water Reclamation Plant (a facility that Pepperdine helped pay to build). The water is then recycled back into the lakes. 

Eldridge said Pepperdine is unique in that approximately 97 percent of campus irrigation comes from recycled water. 

Additionally, the material collected from the bottom of the lakes during routine maintenance becomes a natural fertilizer around campus.

Water conservation has been a top priority at Pepperdine to try to combat the historically water-scarce region.

“Water supplies may only last another 20 years,” Pepperdine’s website states. “Many consider water availability the most considerable environmental concern facing California.” 

The university is also helping firefighting by allowing helicopters to land in Alumni Park, a large green space on campus. Additionally, the campus is being used by the city of Malibu’s Emergency Operations Committee as a temporary headquarters and by SoCalGas as an incident command center. 

Pepperdine has been no stranger to wildfires since the construction of its Malibu campus in 1972. The university has helped firefighters with several past fires, like the 2018 Woolsey Fire.  

The fire resistance of campus structures, combined with a shelter-in-place policy that was developed with the LA Fire Department, is why the Pepperdine community can remain rather than evacuate like its neighbors when fires approach. The policy has been implemented several times, including during the Woolsey Fire in 2018 and the Franklin Fire early last month.

When LA firefighters use the Pepperdine lakes, the school takes extra maintenance measures. 

“At certain times,” Eldridge said, “including when the region is experiencing ‘Red Flag’ conditions or the fire department is indicating they may wish to use the lakes, the university proactively increases the amount of water available in its lakes for fire suppression purposes. It also has the ability to efficiently and effectively raise and replenish its lakes as necessary to support fire resources at a rate consistent with fire department operations and demand.”

Pepperdine’s ability to control the water level in its lakes ensures that the increased use will not diminish the school’s water supply for the spring semester. 

Due to the fires, the school delayed in-person classes. It has started the spring classes online and is preparing to return to in-person classes on January 21. 

In a Monday briefing, president Jim Gash emphasized Pepperdine’s commitment to the local community and stressed the importance of praying and drawing near to God as the process of rebuilding continues into the coming weeks.

“I am confident, too, in the steadfast hope we have, even in the midst of ongoing trials,” he told the school last week. “As Paul reminds us in 2 Corinthians 4, ‘We are hard pressed on every side, but not crushed; perplexed, but not in despair; persecuted, but not abandoned; struck down, but not destroyed.’ And as the Psalmist assures us in Psalm 46, ‘God is our refuge and strength, an ever-present help in trouble.’”

Correction: An earlier version of this story misstated that Pepperdine’s recycled water can be used for everyday tasks like laundry. It is used solely for irrigation and fire suppression.

News

The 50 Most Dangerous Countries for Christians Get More Violent in 2025

Around the world, believers increasingly confront the threat of murder, unlawful detentions, abductions, and property destruction.

The silhouette of a person falling in the earth
Christianity Today January 15, 2025
Illustration by Kumé Pather

Sometime in the past year, Daniel stopped meeting his Christian friends at cafés for tea and long talks about their faith. 

Daily life had grown too dangerous in the country of Yemen, a poor country in the Arabian Peninsula, currently in its tenth year of civil war. Daniel (his pseudonym for security reasons) has felt the discouraging effects of this isolation, which felt necessary to his community because of increasing violence against Christians in the country. 

“I am really afraid that these people are on their way of not having a strong faith,” he said. But the current geopolitical climate means his loneliness is likely to persist. 

The relentless bloodshed of civil wars and other deadly conflicts in Yemen, as well as in Sudan, Somalia, and Myanmar, has traumatized many and left them homeless or bereft of loved ones. Increasingly, these hostilities have crippled the local church, according to the 2025 edition of the World Watch List (WWL), released today by Open Doors. The number of Christians subjected to violence worldwide increased in 2024, researchers said, and among the 50 countries where persecution is most severe, 29 reported an increase in violence.

Yemen ranks No. 3 on this year’s WWL, thanks to the decade-long conflict ostensibly between the Houthi ethnic rebel group and the central government, but one where Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Iran have all sought control. A weak national government and the Houthis’ rise has left minorities like Christians exposed in the nation of 34 million and shut down their house churches.

In areas controlled by the internationally recognized government, the church hardly fares better. Some Christians have been arrested for leaving Islam and “blaspheming” the religion. In its last reporting period, Open Doors learned of authorities detaining Christians solely because of their faith or because of the false accusations of family members or others as a way to harass them. 

Beyond the threat of violence, Christians suffer from hunger, often cut off from social circles, food, medical attention, financial help, or other resources because they don’t show up to the mosque on Fridays. Houthis have blocked the country’s harbors, limiting what enters the country and forcing people to rely on their connections in the black market. 

“I would love to see people on their Facebook pages or whatever social media saying, ‘Hey, we are praying for you, Yemen!’” Daniel said. 

In Somalia, the Islamist militant group and al-Qaeda affiliate al-Shabab has killed Christians merchants on the spot. But community and family members may also betray loved ones who have converted from Islam, and those accused may face death threats.

Myanmar, a country where Christians make up 8 percent of the population, now sits at No. 13, rising four places from 2024. Most Christians hail from half a dozen ethnic-minority parties. In the Kachin region, Christians have been subjected to what has been described by one activist as a “slow genocide,” particularly after the military coup in 2021. 

Though neither country ranked in the top 50, Russia and Ukraine now sit at No. 56 and No. 69 respectively on WWL’s 2025 list. In Ukraine, much of this persecution pertains to war and an ongoing power struggle within the Orthodox Church. After the government banned the Russian Orthodox Church in 2024, it closed numerous congregations.

In Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine, Russian forces and affiliated groups have targeted churches outside the Russian Orthodox Church. In one incident, Russian militants, or “cossacks,” have seized Ukrainian Greek Catholic churches in Ukraine’s Donetsk region and barred would-be attenders. Russian forces sentenced a priest to 14 years in prison when he opposed the integration of his Ukrainian Orthodox Church diocese into the Russian Orthodox Church.

Meanwhile, in Russia last year on Pentecost Sunday, gunmen in Dagestan, a predominantly Muslim part of the country, attacked two Orthodox churches and a synagogue and killed a priest and more than half a dozen security officers. The government also punished Christians for allegedly discrediting the Russian Armed Forces, distributing religious literature, and conducting unspecified missionary activities.

Violence is one of six categories Open Doors uses to judge the danger a Christian faces in any given country, and it includes killings, detentions without a proper trial, abductions, and property destruction. Christians most at risk for this type of terror include Nigeria and Pakistan, which both earned 16.7 points, the maximum score and the highest of any country. The 20 countries with the highest violence scores include 15 countries in Africa, 3 in South Asia, 1 in Southeast Asia, and 1 in Latin America.

Overall, more than 380 million Christians live in nations with high levels of persecution or discrimination. That’s 1 in 7 Christians worldwide, including 1 in 5 believers in Africa, 2 in 5 in Asia, and 1 in 16 in Latin America.


The violence index for sub-Saharan African countries listed among the 50 most dangerous in the world for Christians has risen by an average of one point since the WWL’s 2023 list. The region is subject to an “incessant flow of attacks on Christians and Christian communities by Islamic terror groups,” Open Doors said.

Sudan’s civil war, fought between its army and an alliance of regional militias, has had devastating consequences for its population, including Christians. WWL’s most recent research period reported 44 Christians killed, 100 Christians sexually assaulted, and 100 Christian homes and businesses attacked. Sudan includes people from both Arab and Indigenous African backgrounds. Christians, who make up the majority of the latter, can face persecution for both their faith and their ethnic identity. Currently, the civil war has displaced more than 11 million out of Sudan’s 49 million people. 

The number of Christians killed for faith-related reasons from October 2023 to September 2024, the period Open Doors analyzed, dropped from 4,998 to 4,476. Researchers attributed the drop to a reduction in violence against Christians in Nigeria, with 3,100 deaths recorded in the 2025 WWL compared to 4,118 in the 2024 WWL. Yet they cautioned that this data should not be interpreted as evidence that attacks on Christians by Boko Haram, Fulani herdsman, Lakurawa, and other groups have decreased. Instead, the violence no longer concentrates in Nigeria’s North Central region but now exists along the borders between Burkina Faso and Mali and Chad and Cameroon. 

Outside Nigeria, the number of Christians killed for their faith increased compared to last year (1,376 in WWL 2025 versus 880 in WWL 2024), largely due to increasing violence in places like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (355 in WWL 2025 versus 261 in WWL 2024) and Burkina Faso (201 in WWL in 2025 versus 31 in WWL 2024, as a result of the action of jihadist groups affiliated with the al-Qaeda network). 

Nearly 5,000 (4,744) Christians around the world were detained without trial, the highest number since 2020. India (No. 11) had 1,629 detentions recorded during the period covered by the report.

The number of attacks on churches or other public properties linked to Christians (which includes the closure of churches), fell from 14,766 cases reported in 2024 to 7,679 in 2025. Much of this comes from Open Doors changing their estimates in China, where researchers cannot confirm reports and data. Where numbers cannot be verified, estimates are given in round numbers of 10, 100, 1,000, or 10,000, assumed to be higher in reality. In the 2024 WWL, they reported 10,000 attacks, compared to 1,000 this year.

In Rwanda, Open Doors said the government closed 4,000 churches, citing unmet building-code issues and pastoral and theological requirements. 

The number of Christians raped or sexually harassed for faith-related reasons rose from 2,622 in WWL 2024 to 3,123 in the WWL 2025 reporting period. The 2025 report acknowledged the challenge of gathering these numbers, given victims’ trauma and cultural taboos. Another sensitive data point: the number of forced marriages of Christians to non-Christians. Open Doors reported that the number increased from 609 cases in WWL 2024 to 821 in the WWL 2025 reporting period.

Acts of violence often force Christians to leave their homes in search of safety elsewhere. Open Doors recorded 183,709 Christians seeking safety in their own countries in WWL 2025, a reduction in comparison with the 278,716 cases in WWL 2024. The number of people leaving their own countries rose from 16,404 in the WWL 2024 to 26,062 in this year’s report.

In most cases, this forced migration cannot be measured precisely, so once again researchers estimated by order of magnitude, emphasizing that estimates are conservative and represent the “absolute minimum” of attacks and atrocities, meaning the actual figures are likely much higher.Open Doors approximated that Azerbaijan forced out 10,000 Christians for faith-related reasons during the reporting period. CT’s 2023 report noted that 100,000 ethnic Armenians had left the Nagorno-Karabakh region after Azerbaijani forces entered. Open Doors said that there are ethnic and political reasons present in this conflict and that the faith component is present but not acute.

In some countries, persecution has driven the church underground, making it hard for researchers to track information on its well-being. This year’s list ranked China as No. 15, up from No. 19 in 2024, noting that “the era of the church’s relatively open presence fades deeper into memory.”

Afghan Christians have responded to the Taliban by marginalizing themselves further, limiting the government’s scope of repression. The Taliban is reportedly working to erase Christian presence in the territory, so most believers have gone underground to avoid being judged by the Taliban’s Islamic courts. Tiny communities meet in homes, trying to share the gospel in a hostile environment.

However, this isolation also makes it challenging to verify potential attacks on Christians. As a result, though Open Doors ranked Afghanistan No. 10 this year, down from No. 1 in 2022, they scored it a 5 for violence, the lowest among the top 10 countries overall.

Algeria went from the 15th to the 19th position, with its overall score dropping by two points since Open Doors reported no new attacks on churches. While this appears to be an encouraging sign, the government’s closure of all Protestant churches in the country has left no room for new attacks. Without violent incidents—and without churches—Algeria’s overall score decreased.

The Christian community in Gaza has shrunk from around 1,000 to barely 700 since the Israel-Hamas War began in October 2023. At least 300 Christians have left the region, with at least 43 reported deaths in Gaza. Open Doors ranks the Palestinian Territories (which includes the West Bank) as No. 62.

Though the Middle East and Africa continue to be dangerous places for Christians, some countries in Southeast Asia and Latin America have improved. 

In Indonesia, the number of attacks on churches and the number of deaths decreased significantly in a time when the country was focused on electing a new president. Efforts to combat terrorism helped the violence score of the fourth-largest nation in the world drop from 11.5 points to 5.7 points, and the nation now ranks No. 59 compared to No. 42 in 2024. In September, Pope Francis visited Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital, as part of an effort to promote interfaith dialogue, especially significant given Indonesia’s status as the largest Muslim-majority country. 

In Colombia, the presence of guerrilla groups and drug cartels with significant territorial control had created a situation where anyone opposing their objectives, including churches, could become a target of violence. In February 2024, a ceasefire reduced violence against Christians, and the country’s total score dropped by two points, placing it at No. 46.

Open Doors also included Nicaragua as a hopeful case, arguing the situation could have been worse without the sanctions imposed by the European Union in 2022 and by the United States and Canada in 2024. These sanctions target 21 individuals, including President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Vice President Rosario Murillo, and involve asset freezes and travel bans. 

During the 12-month World Watch List reporting period, 94 Christians—mostly Roman Catholic priests, but also pastors and missionaries—were expelled from the country. Nicaragua ranked 30 in WWL 2025, the same position as the previous year.

CT previously reported the WWL rankings for 2024, 2023, 2022, 2021, 2020, 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015, 2014, 2013, and 2012, as well as a spotlight in 2010 on where it’s hardest to believe. CT also asked experts in 2017 whether the United States belongs on persecution lists and compiled the most-read stories of the persecuted church in 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, and 2015.

Read Open Doors’ full report on the 2024 World Watch List here.

Methodology

Open Doors scores each nation on six components and each category can receive a maximum score of 16.7 for a maximum total score of 100. Researchers consider a score of  more than 40 points as high.

Their methodology takes into account violence, as well the pressure to reject their faith that believers experience from neighbors, friends, extended family, and society as a whole. The total score is determined based on answers from an extensive questionnaire.

  • Private life: the inner life of a Christian and his or her freedom of thought and conscience.
    “How free has a Christian been to relate to God one-on-one in his/her own private space?”

  • Family life: pertaining to the nuclear and extended family of a Christian.
    “How free has a Christian been to live his/her Christian convictions within the circle of the family, and how free have Christian families been to conduct their family life in a Christian way?”

  • Community life: the interactions Christians have with their respective local communities outside their families.
    “How free have Christians been individually and collectively to live their Christian convictions within the local community? How much pressure has the community put on Christians by acts of discrimination, harassment or any other form of persecution?”.

  • National life: the interaction between Christians and the nations they live in. This includes rights and laws, the justice system, the state, and other institutions.
    “How free have Christians been individually and collectively to live their Christian convictions beyond their local community? How much pressure has the legal system put on Christians? How much pressure have agents of supra-local life put on Christians by acts of misinformation, discrimination, harassment or any other form of persecution?”

  • Church life: the collective exercise of freedom of thought and conscience, particularly as regards uniting with fellow Christians in worship, service, and the public expression of their faith without undue interference.
    “How have restrictions, discrimination, harassment or other forms of persecution infringed upon these rights and this collective life of Christian churches, organizations and institutions?”

  • Violence: deprivation of physical freedom, serious physical or mental harm to Christians, or serious damage to their property. This is a category which can affect or inhibit relationships in all other areas of life.
    “How many cases of such violence have there been?”
Inkwell

Chalk Songs

Inkwell January 15, 2025
Photography by Luke Stackpoole

1. Cutting Enough

A time cutting enough to reawaken
some original instinct of prayer.
When the turn to words is a form of sloth.

2. Little Inscription for the Family Bible

The liars and the testifiers and the martyrs of water.

Thaddeus, Theta, bonecancered Carla,
who went out screaming being like an inverted birth.

Let us say a word for all those who died of God,
their hearts, we hope, a little lighter now without us in them.



3. Little Flames

We blinked out.

One by one,
grief by grief,

we who had kept you
you

blinked out.
You grew

into the spaces
between us

until you were as everywhere
as a gas leak.

One real prayer
would set the sky on fire.



4. Somewhere This Side of Sanity

Somewhere this side of sanity
let me have one glimpse of you God.

I have grown tired of gazing at the seams in things,
believing that there are seams in things,

that all reality is ventilated with an absence
that both is and annihilates vision.

If prayer then prayer to be free of the need for it.
If renunciation then of the need to renounce.

To stand neither bored nor alarmed
looking out on your life

like a child’s chalk-drawing a child watches
washed away by a storm.

Christian Wiman is a poet, the former editor of Poetry Magazine, and Author of Zero at the Bone: Fifty Entries Against Despair, along with many other books.

News
Wire Story

Supreme Court Upholds Porn Age-Verification Laws Against First Amendment Challenge

Christians and child safety advocates defend state regulations designed to keep kids from accessing inappropriate material online.

US Supreme Court

Christianity Today Updated June 27, 2025
P_Wei / Getty Images

Key Updates

June 27, 2025

Ruling against the online porn industry and those who object on free speech grounds, the Supreme Court has affirmed a Texas law requiring age verification on explicit websites.

In a decision issued Friday, Justice Clarence Thomas wrote that “the power to require age verification is within a State’s authority to prevent children from accessing sexually explicit content.”

The ruling represents the first legal challenge to age-verification restrictions, which have gone into effect in 24 states as measures to protect children from exposure to porn.

This decision delivers a blow to an industry that profits by bypassing parental oversight and flooding the internet with unfiltered, explicit content,” Colorado Christian University’s think tank, the Centennial Institute, wrote in response. “The notion that any adult content provider can make their material available to anyone, at any time, without restraint is incompatible with the constitutional rights of parents to protect the upbringing of their children.”

Family Policy Alliance, the lobbying partner of the Christian ministry Focus on the Family, celebrated the decision as “the beginning of the end of Big Porn companies corrupting our kids’ views of romance and sexual intimacy.”

Update by CT’s Kate Shellnutt.

January 15, 2025

Laws in 20 states aimed at shielding minors from online pornography are under fire as the US Supreme Court hears a legal challenge Wednesday with the Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission (ERLC) among many interceding for the Texas law at the center of the case.

At issue is Texas House Bill 1181, one of a string of 20 such laws passed since Louisiana began the charge in 2022 to require websites containing at least 33 percent pornographic materials to verify that a user is at least 18 years old.

The Free Speech Coalition, an adult entertainment industry trade association, is challenging the laws and has a hearing before the High Court, arguing that the regulations endanger free speech and privacy rights of site users. The Texas case is appealed from the US Fifth Circuit, which upheld for Texas.

The ERLC, in a brief filed November 22, said the US Constitution does not prohibit states from regulating materials that are obscene to minors, and presented historical evidence dating to the 17th century.

“The Fifth Circuit’s decision aligns with the history of State regulation of obscenity and this Court’s tradition of respecting the broad police powers enjoyed by the States to protect minors from obscene entertainment,” the ERLC said in the brief. “While Texas might have done more, it legislated only as much as was necessary to protect children from exposure to harmful, obscene sexual materials. H.B. 1181 accords with the history of State regulation of material that is obscene for minors, and so it is plainly constitutional.”

As Christianity Today previously reported, Texas’ age-verification bill was sponsored by state senator Angela Paxton, a member of Prestwood Baptist Church, and drafted in consultation with Prestonwood pastor Mike Buster and Christian child safety advocate Chris McKenna.

Tennessee’s law, originally scheduled to take effect January 1, 2025, was only allowed to take effect late Tuesday when the US Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuitstayed an injunction the Free Speech Coalition had secured in December to block the law’s implementation. In Georgia, a law passed in 2024 is set to take effect in July.

In response, the most-visited adult website Pornhub has blocked access to its site in most of the states where age verification laws have been passed, leaving access available in Georgia, Louisiana and Tennessee, CNN reported.

Nearly 60 lawmakers from 15 of the states where laws are in effect jointly filed an amicus brief in support of the Texas law—and by extension their own.

“In sum, speech regulations are scrutinized more leniently, and First Amendment protections are at their weakest when children are at risk; where no criminal prosecution or total ban or prior restraint or viewpoint discrimination is present; where the law regulates conduct; and where the content is sexually graphic and is broadly disseminated in a manner that may expose children,” reads the brief submitted by lawmakers. “H. B. 1181 is just such a law. Its sole purpose is to restrict children’s access to sexually graphic material.”

Legislators signing the brief, filed November 15, 2024, represented Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, and Utah. In addition to the aforenamed states and Texas, similar laws are in effect in Virginia, South Dakota, and Oklahoma.

The ERLC also supports the state laws on moral grounds in concert with Southern Baptist beliefs.

“As articulated in their statement of faith, Southern Baptists believe that God gave all of humanity free choice when it comes to questions of morality,” the ERLC wrote, referencing the Baptist Faith & Message 2000. “But minors often lack the developmental capacity or moral maturity to know how to exercise that free choice responsibly.

“Thus, Southern Baptists believe it is important to structure society and society’s rules to maximize the ability to educate and train minors on their social and moral responsibilities. And while it is primarily the role of families to provide this education and training, the States certainly have an important role to play in this process—most significantly by protecting the ability of families to perform their role.”

Laura Schlegel, a Republican Louisiana representative who authored the first successful online age verification law in the nation, is also a licensed professional counselor and certified sex addiction therapist. Exposure to porn harms children and adolescents, she said in her brief.

Girls who view pornography are more likely to see themselves as objects of male pleasure, struggle with self-esteem issues, have higher rates of self-harm and suffer more vulnerability to sexual exploitation; while boys develop unrealistic and harmful attitudes toward sex and relationships that lead to increased aggression and difficulties in forming genuine intimate connections, Schlegel said. Anxiety, depression and engagement in risky sexual behavior are pronounced.

“Protecting minors from obscene content isn’t just a compelling interest legally,” Schlegel said, “it is a compelling, bipartisan issue at every kitchen table in this country.”

McKenna, founder of Protect Young Eyes, told CT in 2023, “I believe that church leaders should be showing up in flocks to support legislation that works toward creating safer digital spaces for children. Families need more help.”

Theology

God Redeems Even as Wildfires Spread

Contributor

I’m drawn to Isaiah’s words of comfort during a time of disruption and instability.

A fire in California
Christianity Today January 14, 2025
Daniel Lincoln / Unsplash

A few days ago, the world around me exploded into flames. Sparked by an unprecedented wind event with 100-mile-per-hour gusts, six wildfires engulfed huge swaths of the greater Los Angeles region. I live just south of where the Eaton fire erupted, which has damaged or destroyed more than 7,000 buildings and left at least 16 people dead. Even now, the fires continue to rage, with the forecast predicting a new round of wind events that threaten to expand and extend the unprecedented destruction.

For the past 14 years, I have taught at Fuller Theological Seminary, located in Pasadena near the epicenter of the catastrophe. Although my family’s home remains intact with only minor damage, the same cannot be said for so many others connected to Fuller or in my broader community. I know of at least eight faculty, staff, and students at Fuller whose homes went up in flames.

But we’re not alone. Fuller is but a microcosm of all that has been lost in our area. Entire neighborhoods—homes, businesses, churches, schools, parks, and libraries—now sit in smoldering ash.

It’s as overwhelming as it is surreal. Some have said that these once-quaint residential areas now look like the set of a postapocalyptic movie. But the images I’ve seen of my daughters’ burned schools remind me less of postapocalyptic Earth than of an alien landscape.

Of course, given that we live in Southern California, this isn’t the first time our community has been affected by raging wildfires. In the fall of 2020, my family and I had to evacuate from our home in Monrovia along with thousands of others, much like many residents there had to do again this past week. In fact, for many members of our local community, their entire life has been defined by this exact kind of instability and disruption.

But this event has been something altogether different. We’ve had windstorms before. We’ve had fires before. But the pace, scale, and extent of this particular trauma is something new—some even have called it the “new normal.”

Many of these same dynamics were in play for the people of Israel during the time God spoke through the prophet as recorded in Isaiah 43. The Exile was a catastrophic disruption. Some were forcibly removed from the land, and some were privileged enough to remain. Any sense of togetherness or commonality or unity that might have grown from this shared experience was threatened by their separate traumas. It is into this conflicted space and to this traumatized people that God speaks:

Now, this is what the Lord says,

the one who created you, O Jacob,

and formed you, O Israel:

“Don’t be afraid, for I will protect you.

I call you by name, you are mine.

When you pass through the waters, I am with you;

when you pass through the streams, they will not overwhelm you.

When you walk through the fire, you will not be burned;

the flames will not harm you. (Isa. 43:1–2, NET)

In a time of instability and uncertainty, what does God say to his people? I created you (bara), formed you (yatsar), and called you (qara). This is the very same language we read in Genesis when, in the beginning, God creates (bara) the heavens and the earth (1:1), forms (yatsar) the human from the dust of the ground (2:7), and calls (qara) the light “day” and the darkness “night” (1:5). In other words, God reminds Israel that they have quite literally been made for such a time as this.

And what kind of time is this exactly? According to Isaiah 43, it’s a time in which the people of Israel will be passing through flood waters and traversing rising rivers and navigating uncontrolled fires—each of which threatens to overwhelm them at every turn. One would think that the prophet would bring a more reassuring message, especially to a people who longed for nothing more than to go back to the stability and security they knew prior to the Exile.

But that’s not what they get. Instead, God speaks through the prophet Isaiah with this message: There is no going back to a time of stability or security or certainty. There are only cataclysmic waters and catastrophic fires ahead. In fact, for Israel, it is not a matter of if they will encounter these scenarios. It is only a matter of when.

It is therefore all the more significant that, having painted this harrowing picture of what’s to come, God still has the audacity to say, “Don’t be afraid.” And the rationale for why the people need not fear is pretty much the same as the one God always gives: I have redeemed you, and I will be with you. As the waters rise. As the fires bear down upon you. As the land beneath your feet begins to crumble. You are mine. And I am here.

Even though that kind of message pulls on all my evangelical heartstrings, in my more transparent moments, I have to admit that God’s presence sure doesn’t seem like enough to justify all the chaos and uncertainty and loss that are now permanent fixtures in our lives. I will be the first to confess that, more times than not, if given the choice between a stable existence without God or an unstable existence with God, I’d choose stability.

But that is a false binary. The actual, concrete choice we have before us is not returning to a more stable past or suffering through an increasingly unstable present. The real choice is whether we commit ourselves to a paralyzing nostalgia for a past that never was or dare to leap into the unstable and unpredictable future that is to come—diving headlong into a world that does not yet exist.

God makes it clear to Israel that they have been redeemed not from something but for something. God has created them and formed them and called them by name not to save them from instability but to prepare them for it.

Look, I am about to do something new.

Now it begins to happen! Do you not recognize it?

Yes, I will make a road in the wilderness

and paths in the wastelands.

The wild animals honor me,

the jackals and ostriches,

because I put water in the wilderness

and streams in the wastelands,

to quench the thirst of my chosen people,

the people whom I formed for myself,

so they might praise me. (Isa. 43:19–21, NET)

I am about to do a new thing, says God. Rivers in the desert. Water in the wilderness. Drinks for my thirsty people. It all sounds so lovely and refreshing and peaceful, unless you have ever experienced what actually happens to a desert or fire-scorched earth when water suddenly appears: flash floods, toxic runoff, and reshaping of the land on a fundamental level.

Rivers in the desert present an opportunity for much-needed refreshment, but they are also radically destabilizing. New things are always destabilizing. That’s what makes them new. The old is upended, transformed, reconstituted.

When God moves in the world, nothing is ever the same. And when we participate in that newness, not only is there no going back to normal, but also none of us are left unscathed. Just ask Jacob, whose reward for encountering God was a lifetime of instability in the form of a chronic injury—a limp that would forever remind him of how God had created, shaped, and called him (Gen. 32:28).

So as we reflect theologically about wildfires in Los Angeles (or earthquakes in China, or brutal wars in Ukraine and Israel), the question Christians today must ask is this: If we too are being redeemed—not from instability but for instability—what does it look like to participate in God’s ongoing work of destabilizing newness? Especially when we ourselves are constantly in a state of disruption?

It’s surely not the only answer, but as I think about the ways in which God not only shaped Jacob’s life and formed the people of Israel but also calls us today, it strikes me that one way of participating with God’s work in a time of permanent instability is to disrupt the disruption. And given the cascade of overlapping crises we are all facing, I cannot think of anything more disruptive, more scandalous, or maybe even more offensive to contemporary sensibilities than joy.

I’m not talking about some kind of Pollyannish version of happiness that ignores or overlooks the various traumas we have all endured and continue to endure. I’m talking about something deeper and far more hard-won—a wide-eyed acknowledgment that the only thing of which we can be certain is that all of life’s joys are “in spite of” something. Or as Proverbs reminds us, “Even in laughter the heart may ache, and rejoicing may end in grief” (14:13).

In the midst of chaos and loss and disorientation, joy is a rebellious act. It is defiant. It is a willful protest against the world as it has been handed to us. It is neither to pretend as if the rampant fires that surround us don’t exist nor to accept that they will have the final say. Joy, if it is in any sense Christian, is both a fierce commitment to disrupting those destabilizing forces and, at the very same time, a declaration of praise to the God who is always and forever about to do something new.

I would never dare to suggest that this most recent natural disaster should be seen as good because it is somehow preparing us for more chaos. God can and does exchange beauty for ashes for those who are grieving (Isa. 61:3). But it’s still too soon to skip to this part of the story—personally or theologically. The wounds are still too fresh.

At the present moment, all we can do is mourn with those who mourn, open our homes to those who have lost everything, and hold on to the hope that God will be with us as we walk through these fires and prepare for whatever uncertainties are still to come.

As the next few days, weeks, and months unfold here in Southern California, there is no going back to whatever came before. There is no “normalcy” on the horizon. But that’s just as it should be. Fear not, the prophet reminds us. We have been created to witness and collaborate with the work of a God who is always doing something new. And at least in my mind, that’s reason enough to embrace a defiant joy.

Kutter Callaway is the William K. Brehm chair of worship, theology, and the arts; associate dean of the Center for Advanced Theological Studies; and associate professor of theology and culture at Fuller Theological Seminary.

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