As the first Republican-dominated session of Congress in 40 years nears an end, conservative profamily activists are still seeking major legislative victories that will turn their agenda into lasting changes in public policy.
Conservative Christian and profamily voters were considered a key part of the Republican coalition that took control of both the House and the Senate after the 1994 elections. The movement has parlayed that political clout into significant influence this congressional session, introducing numerous bills, testifying at hearings, blocking controversial administration appointments, and helping to shape the overall Republican agenda. Yet, while conservative profamily groups have seen several first-round victories on bills they supported, to date, major laws codifying their agenda remain elusive.
Although there has been congressional action on several items in the Christian Coalition’s 10-point Contract with the American Family (CT, July 17, 1995, p. 54)–which was generally supported by several evangelical and profamily groups–there also have been setbacks.
SHORT-LIVED TRIUMPHS: On the issue of pornography, Congress in February adopted the Communications Decency Act as part of the telecommunications bill. The act prohibited sending “indecent material” to children via the Internet. However, in June a federal court struck down the measure as unconstitutional.
Major action on another priority item, restricting abortion, also has been stymied. President Clinton vetoed legislation passed by the House and the Senate that would have outlawed the controversial late-term abortion procedure known as “partial-birth abortion.” Opponents of abortion are still hopeful they will be able to muster enough votes to override the veto.
Amendments were passed restoring the ban on financing abortions at military hospitals and repealing requirements that all obstetricians and gynecologists be trained in doing abortions.
Efforts to provide new tax benefits to families similarly fell victim to political budgetary haggling between Congress and the administration.
President Clinton vetoed the Budget Reconciliation Package that had included a $500 per child tax credit. Conservative profamily groups have long advocated such a tax credit.
Proposals to establish new forms of “school choice” also were blocked. The House approved a pilot scholarship program for the District of Columbia that would allow parents to use education vouchers at private schools, including religious ones. However, the program was dropped during negotiations over the final legislation after Clinton promised to veto any voucher plan.
Profamily groups do claim victory in their effort to privatize the arts and other federal agencies. Although they were not able to defund completely the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), they did successfully convince Congress to reduce the nea budget by 40 percent.
STILL IN THE HOPPER: Several additional issues pushed by the Christian Coalition and other groups are still in play during the final weeks of this session. Two bills have been introduced that would allow more religious expression in public schools.
Supporters are hopeful the “Religious Equality Amendment” will come to a vote before the session ends. After the 1994 elections, House Speaker Newt Gingrich pledged there would be a vote on school prayer by Independence Day 1995.
The Parental Rights and Responsibilities Act of 1996, introduced by Rep. Steve Largent (R-Okla.) and Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), also is working its way through the system. The bill would prohibit any federal, state, or local government from “interfering with or usurping the right of a parent to govern the upbringing of a child.” However, there is strong opposition to the measure.
The Christian Coalition says it is “still working” on other contract items, such as granting local control of education, establishing new federal support for private charities, and implementing a system of crime victim restitution. But little further action is likely.
DEFENDING MARRIAGE: Other family-related measures not included in the Contract with the American Family could still be enacted before Congress adjourns for the election recess. For example, the Family Research Council (FRC) and other groups have been aggressively promoting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which defines marriage for federal codes and establishes the rights of states to make laws governing marriage for their citizens. The measure, approved by the House 342 to 67 on July 12, is aimed at same-sex marriages. Clinton has indicated he would sign the bill if it passes the Senate.
Overall, profamily leaders maintain that they are pleased with their progress to date. “This Congress reacted well to the profamily agenda,” says Brian Lopina, director of government affairs for the Christian Coalition. Lopina says profamily groups understand that lasting changes will not occur overnight.
“In retrospect, I think this Congress did quite a bit,” agrees Gary Bauer, president of the FRC. “It’s been either liberal judges or a recalcitrant President that prevented these things from becoming law.”
Political analysts say the success of conservative Christian and profamily groups is not just measured by how much legislation they helped pass this session of Congress.
“They have not yet fully translated their new influence into substantial victories, but this takes time,” says John Green, director of the Ray Bliss Institute of Applied Politics at the University of Akron. “They may very well be laying the groundwork now for some big victories next year or the year after.”
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