News

Christian Groups Perplexed, Wary After Korea Bible Incident

South Korea detained six Americans trying to send rice and Bibles by sea to North Korea.

Activists in South Korea throw bottles full of rice, a Christian message, and USB drives into the ocean in hopes that North Korean residents would pick them up.

Activists in South Korea throw bottles full of rice, a Christian message, and USB drives into the ocean in hopes that North Korean residents would pick them up.

Christianity Today July 16, 2025
Jean Chung / Stringer / Getty

When Eric Foley heard that police had detained six Americans in late June for doing a “rice-bottle launch” in South Korea, he felt a dull wave of dread pass through his body.

The group had attempted to throw 1,600 plastic bottles filled with Bibles, rice, $1 bills, and USB sticks in the sea off the shore of Ganghwa Island, which lies close to the southern part of North Korea, in hopes that they would float toward the North. Police investigated the Americans for allegedly violating a law on the management of safety and disasters.

Foley immediately recalled June 2020, when South Korean police charged him and his organization, Voice of the Martyrs Korea (VOMK), for using balloons to send Bibles to North Korea. After an investigation, police ultimately decided not to pursue the charges against him.

“None of this dampened my resolve to keep my promise to underground Christians to get more Bibles into North Korea,” Foley said.

Information on who the six Americans are has not been released. A US State Department spokesperson told CT they are aware of media reports of US citizens detained in South Korea and are monitoring the situation but could not provide further comment due to citizens’ privacy.

Meanwhile, Foley said he fielded inquiries from both Korean and American authorities about the group that was detained. Yet he and other groups working to reach North Koreans have no clue who these individuals are.

“We have no connection to this group at all and no awareness of their activities,” Foley said. He feels troubled by how they had come to South Korea to “try to do this work that looks so simple but for which so many have paid such a high price.”

Christian nonprofits and groups in South Korea that have served North Korea for decades worry that the incident will hamper efforts to reach the reclusive country. Officially known as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), North Korea ranks on the World Watch List as the world’s most dangerous place to be a Christian—being found with a Bible can lead to imprisonment in a labor camp or even execution.

Depending on the party in power, the South Korean government has held different views on sending information into North Korea, whether by bottles, balloons, or loudspeakers. Under the Moon administration, which sought reconciliation with the North, the government passed a bill prohibiting acts that violate an inter-Korean agreement, such as disseminating leaflets by balloon to North Korea.

But under the conservative Yoon administration, the Unification Ministry, a government body responsible for inter-Korean relations, reversed its stance. And in 2023, South Korea’s Constitutional Court scrapped the law, saying that it curbed free speech excessively. Local police, however, continue to monitor balloon activity along the border to protect citizens from reprisals from North Korea.

The recently elected president Lee Jae-myung has pledged to rekindle dialogue and reopen communication channels with the North.

In a two-hour press conference on July 3 marking his first month in office, Lee vowed to improve relations with the North. “It’s foolish to completely cut off dialogue,” he said. “We should listen to them even if we hate them.”

In June, as a means of reducing tensions between the two Koreas, Lee ordered the South Korean military to stop broadcasting anti–North Korea propaganda along the border, and the Unification Ministry called for activists to stop sending anti–North Korea leaflets.

Yet the Virginia-based Defense Forum Foundation believes that rice-bottle and balloon launches are needed. For years, it has partnered with North Korean defectors who engage in exactly the activities the six Americans are accused of—throwing bottles filled with items like rice, $1 bills, USBs, and small Bibles off the coast of South Korea—to get information into the North.

But Suzanne Scholte, the group’s president, doesn’t know who the detained Americans are. The entire “Operation Truth” team had recently returned from a trip to Europe for North Korea Freedom Week when they heard about the arrests. Beyond bottle launches, the group also helps send information into North Korea by launching helium balloons, floating giant plastic bags on ocean currents, and broadcasting a radio program.

Scholte even questioned whether the arrest was a fake story to intimidate groups like hers.

“I just do not find it plausible that six Americans would be doing something like that, because it’s North Korean defectors that are doing it,” she said. “[They] are the most effective at carrying these projects out because they’re the ones that develop these methods, because they know how to get stuff in.”

She notes that defectors often point to receiving information from the outside world, including from leaflets or short-wave radio, as the catalyst leading them to escape. So despite pushback from the current administration and fears of arrests, the group plans to continue its work quietly. “We’ll just be more careful, and we’ll have to develop new routes,” she said.

Balloons launched by different groups—both religious and political—have carried items like a leaflet dispenser, tiny battery-powered loudspeakers, USB sticks containing K-pop music and Korean dramas, and abridged versions of the Bible.

In response, North Korea sent more than 7,000 balloons filled with trash like toilet paper, soil, and batteries into the South last year to retaliate against what it considered the “frequent scattering of leaflets and other rubbish” by groups in South Korea.

Foley prayed that God would prevent other foreign groups from copycat launch efforts. He fears their actions may lead to larger, unintended consequences. Although the six Americans can leave South Korea, this incident may lead to greater scrutiny from government officials and greater public concern over the work that groups like VOMK do to serve North Korea, Foley said.

Jongho Kim, chairman of the Northeast Asia Reconciliation Initiative (NARI), agreed. The nonprofit brings believers from East Asia and the US together to discuss what healing and engagement look like in a region fraught with political tension.

In Kim’s view, the Americans’ detention is not an issue of religious persecution but a legal matter based on the South Korean government’s laws on engagement with the North.

“Actions that are not coordinated with or permitted by the South Korean government can easily be viewed as provocations, undermining the fragile new mood of dialogue,” he said.

North Korea closed its borders when the COVID-19 pandemic struck in 2020, and it has largely remained closed since then. After opening up the northeastern city of Rason to Western tourists in March, North Korea abruptly stopped more visitors from entering without citing a reason.

These ongoing border closures have also affected how Christian nonprofits serve there, a CT report noted last year.

Kim feels deeply concerned by how the incident may hamper NARI’s efforts to foster dialogue and build relationships through forums that encourage discussion on healing divides. “The work of reconciliation and engagement with North Korea is incredibly delicate and built on years of patient trust-building,” he said.

But he looks to the parable of the sower for guidance. The long-term work of reconciliation is like patiently cultivating good soil so that, at the right time, a seed can produce a lasting harvest, he said. “Actions that are perceived as reckless, however well-intentioned, risk hardening that soil for everyone.”

Foley agrees that patience is key when it comes to serving the North. But he also urges Christians not to keep thinking that North Korea is “closed” to the gospel.

It is illegal to send Bibles into North Korea from South Korea, China, or Russia, Foley said. Despite this, VOMK delivers an average of 40,000 Bibles into the DPRK each year, although for security reasons, Foley can’t say how. The nonprofit sends one or two Bibles at a time, and it may take Foley and his team a year to get a Bible to a difficult location. He noted that they play the long game, often planning years in advance and coming up with multiple backup plans so that their distribution isn’t interrupted.

As a result of their and other Christians’ work, the number of North Koreans who have seen a Bible has increased by 4 percent each year since 2000, according to the 2020 White Paper on Religious Freedom by the North Korean Human Rights Database.

“More North Koreans inside North Korea are seeing Bibles than at any other point in history, including the time of the Great Pyongyang Revival in the early 1900s,” Foley said.

Foley continues to pray for underground Christians in North Korea. In his view, the first thing people should do before undertaking any activity to serve North Korea is to take the time to ask believers there, “What would be helpful to you?” 

Additional reporting by Angela Lu Fulton.

Church Life

Pray Hard and Prosper?

My encounter with a false health-and-wealth gospel in Nigeria.

Hand raised with Nigerian currency behind it
Christianity Today July 16, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty, Unsplash

On a warm summer evening in Girne, Cyprus, the harbor buzzed with cheerful chatter under the fading evening light. Families, tourists, and locals—mostly non-English speakers—gathered near the water to escape the day’s scorching heat. The shouts of children playing tag and the faint melody of a distant guitarist surrounded the harbor. As I settled under the shade of a tree, my heart set on a mission: I had come to tell people about the gospel. I prayed silently, asking God for an English speaker to cross my path.

Just a few minutes after I arrived, a man approached me, holding a flyer. He introduced himself as Caleb, a Nigerian student who had recently moved to the city. “I will like to invite you to this livestream,” he said, handing me the flyer. “You don’t want to miss it.”

The flyer’s bold text promised healing, financial breakthrough, and divine favor. It was the classic prosperity gospel message: Come to Jesus and get all you want.

“My friend once told me that Nigerians travel the world with two things: our food and our church [religion],” I remarked.

“That’s true. God is important to us,” he replied with a smile. He explained that his faith had been shaped by various miracles. God had answered his numerous prayers at the regular livestream services. Now he was eager to share the livestream with others. All you need is a mobile device, an internet connection, and faith, he said.

Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country and also one of the most religious in the world. A 2018 Pew study revealed that 89 percent of Christian adults in Nigeria attend weekly worship services, the highest recorded global rate. However, the church in Nigeria is heavily influenced by the prosperity gospel.

Pentecostalism in Nigeria often emphasizes miracles, healing, and material prosperity. The movement draws thousands to megachurches and boasts of influential pastors—David Oyedepo of Living Faith Church (also known as Winners Chapel), Enoch Adeboye of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, and Chris Oyakhilome of Christ Embassy. Their sermons, streamed worldwide, resonate with those struggling economically in Nigeria. Fifty-six percent of the population lives below the poverty line, according to a 2024 World Bank report.

In 2011, a friend invited me to a three-day service hosted by our university’s Joint Christian Body. The event took a surprising turn when the guest preacher urged us to sow a substantial offering to secure God’s blessings. He claimed that donating 50,000 naira (equivalent to $320 USD at the time) would unlock abundant rewards. For students like me, this amount—thousands of naira above my monthly allowance—was nearly impossible to afford.

As the sermon continued, the pastor incrementally lowered his request, dropping from 50,000 naira to 30,000, then 10,000, then 5,000. Despite the reductions, I still couldn’t contribute. I felt excluded from these promised blessings. This was the closest I had come to the prosperity gospel. I loathed it.  

That memory lingered as I conversed with Caleb. Curious about his perspective, I asked, “What if I don’t receive what I want from this service?” Without hesitation he replied, “That would be your fault.” I was stunned.

For him, faith was a force to attract material wealth, health, and happiness to the Christian. The stronger your faith, the more blessings you attract. The weaker your faith, the fewer blessings you attract. Each person has the power to make positive confessions and ward off suffering. It won’t happen unless you believe, he said.

Oyakhilome taught his members to make declarative statements such as “Debt has no hold over me! I operate in financial liberty, owing no man anything except love. I have more than enough to fund my dreams, support my family, and be a blessing to others.” Caleb argued that this strong belief leads to victory.

The prosperity gospel capitalizes on half-truths: Yes, we must believe in God to be blessed by him. But the Bible never tells us that the strength of our faith will magically procure all our needs.

Biblical faith is a deep trust in God. We trust him because of his character and promises, no matter what happens—good or bad, riches or poverty. We know that God is faithful and works all things for our good (Rom. 8:28). But the prosperity gospel creates a transactional relationship with God. As with a slot machine, you hope to get what you want. The prosperity gospel creates a God who serves our purposes rather than recognizing the true God, who created us for himself. True faith is focused on God, not on self.

Caleb further argued from Matthew 6:33 (“Seek first his kingdom and his righteousness, and all these things will be given to you as well”) that Jesus promised to give us anything we ask. Because of this, he said, the gospel promises material riches. Yet the context doesn’t teach this. Yes, Jesus promises that God provides “all these things”—food, shelter, clothing (v. 25). He calls us to trust that God provides for us just as he provides for the birds and clothes the flowers (vv. 26–30). Struggling to meet these needs causes ungodly anxiety, as with the Gentiles who don’t know God (v. 32). Jesus seeks to shield us from the worries of the world. He encourages us to seek and trust our Father daily.

The Bible warns against various forms of idolatry, including the love of money (1 Tim. 6:10). It calls us to fix our eyes on eternal rewards, not on earthly possessions (Matt. 6:19–20), “for where your treasure is, there your heart will be also” (v. 21).

The battle is between trusting God and trusting in riches, between faith in Christ and faith in faith. The true gospel wars against a false gospel. Although Caleb had begun to understand, he still had another obstacle to overcome.

Nigeria has an honor culture. Congregants often revere pastors as “men of God,” and their words are rarely questioned. In early April, another influential pastor in Nigeria, David Ibiyeomie of Salvation Ministries, faced criticism for a sermon where he said Jesus “hates people who are poor.” He argued that Jesus only visited rich people like Zacchaeus and Lazarus. “That means he hates poverty,” he said.

Ibiyeomie doubled down after receiving intense criticism online for distorting the gospel. “For them to listen to me means I’m very important,” he said in another sermon at the end of April. The congregation greeted his remarks with applause.

Many avoid disagreeing with their pastors, even when confronted with their mistakes. Caleb faces a similar challenge: Will he disagree with his well-respected pastor?

That evening, our conversation began with Caleb inviting me to a livestream. It ended with me inviting Caleb to make Christ the object of his faith.

News

New CEO Trying to Save Barnabas Aid

Colin Bloom believes the scandal-wracked ministry serving persecuted Christians should have a future, starting with corporate repentance.

Barnabas Aid CEO Colin Bloom
Christianity Today July 16, 2025
Barnabas Aid / edits by CT

On Colin Bloom’s first day as head of Barnabas Aid International in April 2024, he gathered his team together and gave them a simple message. 

“We as an organization have done wrong,” he said. “We have to own our mistakes and corporately repent.” 

Not the typical first-day pep talk from a new CEO. But then nothing is normal these days at Barnabas Aid, the evangelical, UK-based charity that serves the persecuted church. 

Bloom, a former Conservative Party politician with a background in business, recently described it like this: Imagine you’re in the cockpit of a crippled Boeing 747. The plane is going down. It’s plunging into the side of a mountain. You have to somehow fix the plane so it can keep flying, and you have to fix it in midair. 

And one more thing, Bloom said with a grim smile: “The previous captain is still trying to kick the door in.”

Even in an era rocked by scandals, the scandal of Barnabas Aid has proved especially tumultuous. Many British evangelicals still ask themselves, What happened? Now they are also asking another question: Can one part of this ministry recover? Will some tough leadership, clear commitment to doing the right thing, honesty, and transparency be enough to repair the damage?

Not everyone is convinced, but it’s starting to look like the answer might be yes. 

Bloom is at the head of Barnabas Aid because the board of trustees forced out founder Patrick Sookhdeo and three top officials in 2024. 

Sookhdeo, a Christian convert from Islam, founded Barnabas Aid in 1993 and named the organization after Barnabas from the Book of Acts, whose name means “son of encouragement.” The ministry quickly grew into one of the largest organizations in the world serving the persecuted church, with annual spending in the tens of millions of dollars. 

Today, it is a family of international charities with branches in the United States, Australia, South Africa, and beyond. Sookhdeo came to be recognized as an evangelical leader in Great Britain and also achieved some fame as a critic of Islam. 

Then, in 2014, he was arrested. A member of Sookhdeo’s staff accused him of calling her into his office and touching her inappropriately. The charity quickly closed ranks. There was a cursory internal investigation, and Sookhdeo was exonerated. Barnabas Aid said the accusations were not only untrue but also malicious—an outrageous attempt to destroy Sookhdeo and the ministry.

Mark Woods, a Baptist minister and journalist who investigated Sookhdeo, said Barnabas Aid leaders were quick to deploy the “textbook” defense of any Christian leader caught in wrongdoing. They said his critics were just hostile to the work he was doing and, ultimately, to the gospel itself.

“He was on the side of the angels,” Woods said. “To lose faith in him was, in a sense, to lose faith in the cause.”

The argument was persuasive to many of Barnabas Aid’s faithful donors, who believed passionately in the importance of helping the persecuted church. 

The British legal system was not so easy to manipulate. Sookhdeo was put on trial and convicted of sexual assault and two further charges of intimidating witnesses after he was caught pressuring Barnabas Aid staff not to cooperate with the police. The court sentenced him to community service.

Around the same time, someone inside Barnabas Aid leaked financial records to the media. They showed lax financial controls—in some places nonexistent. Barnabas funds were going to a network of interconnected charities, all controlled by Sookhdeo and close associates.

There were more assault charges in 2015, with allegations he had touched a woman inappropriately in 1977. Barnabas Aid trustees sprang to his defense, publishing a 36-page document defending the founder and attacking his accuser and a handful of major evangelical organizations in Great Britain. Sookhdeo was the real victim, they claimed, suffering “sustained attacks” and “destructive opposition, seemingly aimed at breaking individuals and crippling organizations.” 

In 2018, a jury concluded there was not enough evidence to convict Sookhdeo of a 41-year-old crime. By then many evangelical leaders had distanced themselves from Barnabas Aid. 

Sookhdeo did not respond to CT’s request for comment on this story.

Despite the many scandals, Sookhdeo still has many staunch evangelical supporters. Christian leaders who work in international missions told CT they have been appalled at how hard it has been to convince people in the pews not to believe what Sookhdeo says.

Jos Strengholt, a Dutch missionary who works in Egypt and was once a major recipient of Barnabas funds, said many faithful British Christians just swallow Sookhdeo’s stories whole. Strengholt came to see Sookhdeo as a charismatic fabulist who would tell any story to create the reality he wanted. He cultivated a sense that Christians were under siege, Strengholt said, and people believed every overblown persecution narrative.

Many evangelical donors only found out something was amiss inside Barnabas Aid when they started to get contradictory emails. A group of staffers started revolting against Sookhdeo’s leadership and filed more than 100 whistleblower complaints about mismanagement and financial misconduct with the board in April last year.

The whistleblowers claimed that Sookhdeo was an authoritarian who brooked no dissent and made financial decisions on a whim, Bloom told CT. 

“There was no rigor,” Bloom said. “It was like a Roman emperor—thumbs up or thumbs down.” 

Staff claimed the ministry was pervaded by a culture of fear and anyone who spoke out was punished. Retribution was swift and brutal. 

The board took action, suspending Sookhdeo and his top allies and bringing in a law firm to investigate. The report came back a few months later. Investigators said Barnabas Aid was a “toxic work environment” and they found “serious and repeated contraventions of internal policies.” 

They also found fraud: The report said Noel Frost, the head of international operations, had siphoned £130,000 (about $176,000) into his bank accounts. The Barnabas Aid board reported the allegations to authorities, and soon police and the British charity regulators were doing their own investigation. 

Authorities put strict controls in place while investigating Barnabas Aid for fraud. The organization is not allowed to spend more than £4,000 (about $5,400) without government approval. The investigation is ongoing, and authorities declined to comment for this article.

The board replaced Sookhdeo with Bloom, and one of Bloom’s first jobs was to email the financial supporters of the ministry and explain what was happening. But just as he did, donors also started receiving messages from Sookhdeo claiming he was the victim of a coup. Working under the auspices of a subsidiary charity, Sookhdeo also said he was still in charge of the real Barnabas Aid, even though the international board had ousted him.

“It was chaotic,” Bloom said.

Bloom told CT he expected some “rough-and-tumble” when he accepted the job of leading Barnabas Aid. But the vituperative attacks still surprised him. He has been smeared online, and he said Sookhdeo’s supporters have also showed up at his home and photographed his family. 

Longtime donors heard rumors that Bloom was ushering in New Age practices at Barnabas Aid. He previously served as the Conservative Party’s senior faith adviser, and before that he ran a network of Christian care homes, but panicked donors believed Bloom was dropping the charity’s commitment to Christian belief.

It wasn’t true, Bloom said. 

“Utter codswallop,” he told CT. “Everyone we have recruited is a Bible-believing follower of Jesus who can sign … our statement of faith.”

One option, in the midst of the conflict and ongoing tumult, might have been to shut the ministry down. Bloom was resolute that Barnabas Aid had a future.

“The correct thing to do is to own our mistakes and be transparent,” he said. 

He believed there was still a need for the work Barnabas Aid was doing, especially when the ministry gave funds directly to Christians facing oppression. Barnabas Aid still has deep pockets and lots of goodwill, and Bloom said he believes that if they can repair the plane in midair, the ministry will become an example of second chances, encouraging Christians around the world. 

“If we do the right thing,” he said, “then the Lord will honor that and will bless us as we try to bless others.”

A big part of that effort, for the new CEO, involves rebuilding trust and demonstrating continued commitment to the mission combined with a new commitment to transparency. Today, every penny is accounted for, according to Bloom, and he holds regular town-hall-style meetings with donors to show them where all the money is going. 

He tells them how the staff is now making spending decisions based on evidence and data, not the whims of the founder. Team leaders who used to just get told what Sookhdeo wanted them to do now travel overseas themselves to assess local projects and help make decisions.

The charity is sending more funds than ever to the persecuted church, even with the ongoing regulation requiring all expenditures over £4,000 get preapproved. While spending remains high, donations have fallen as donors learned about the chaos. Bloom said this is why he was working so hard to reassure supporters it is safe to resume giving. 

Objections and counterarguments about the “real” Barnabas Aid have died down a bit since November, when Sookhdeo and his top deputy were arrested on charges of fraud and money laundering. 

Bloom said he’s also made sure the staff overseeing the finances are all properly qualified, and he’s installed a vigilant human resources team. Staff members told CT the changes from Sookhdeo’s leadership to Bloom’s are “night and day” and they are excited about the ways the ministry is becoming more effective.

The longtime Barnabas Aid staffers have been through a lot, but Bloom encourages them to focus on the people they’re helping. This spring, during the 15-minute staff Bible study, he talked about the body of Christ and how Paul said, “If one part suffers, every part suffers with it” (1 Cor. 12:26). The same verse is printed on a poster in Bloom’s office beneath a striking image of one of the persecuted Christians supported by the charity. 

“Her life is a thousand times worse than everyone in this office,” Bloom said.

The mission remains urgent. That hasn’t changed. 

“What has changed,” Bloom told CT, “is our resolute commitment to acting with integrity.”

Will it be enough? It is hard to tell.

The journalist Mark Woods, for one, is skeptical that a good CEO will be able to repair the charity and pick up the pieces that Sookhdeo left behind. 

“I don’t use this sort of language lightly, but there is a quality of evil about the way [Sookhdeo] behaved and the damage that he has done,” Woods said. But “if anyone can save Barnabas, it will be somebody like Colin Bloom, who is a very experienced and very tough-minded Christian leader.”

Ideas

Yes to Politics in the Pulpit. No to Endorsements.

The IRS says churches can endorse candidates. But the Black church has shown we can accomplish great change without doing so.

An American flag waving over a church
Christianity Today July 15, 2025
Edits by CT / Source Images: Getty

As a faith-engagement staffer for politicians, I’ve spent many Sundays in the back seats of black Suburbans. I was typically there with a driver and a candidate making a campaign stop at a church. It was my job to work with pastors or their teams and set up these events. Sometimes, a church leader supported the candidate. Other times, leaders were just feeling the person out. But regardless of how they felt, two questions always came up: “How do we do this without compromising the church’s moral and spiritual authority?” and “How do we make sure we protect the church’s tax-exempt status?”

Last week, the IRS seemed to take the second question off the table. In a court filing, the agency declared that political speech at a church or “through its usual channels of communication on matters of faith” does not run afoul of the Johnson Amendment, a provision of the tax code that bars tax-exempt organizations from engaging in political campaigns. The filing was made in a legal case brought by two evangelical churches and broadcasters who argued the provision violated their First Amendment rights. The IRS didn’t ask for a full repeal of the Johnson Amendment, which it rarely enforces against houses of worship. But the agency has essentially green-lighted church leaders who want to endorse candidates without worrying an officer will come knocking on their doors. 

The shift has sparked fervent debate. Some celebrated it as a triumph for religious liberty or an opportunity for more active social justice work, while others fear it will embroil churches deeper into partisan politics. If we as the church can explicitly endorse politicians, the question becomes – should we?

Personally, I am proud to have done most of my work with Black churches in my hometown of Chicago, a city that’s known to be politically active. The type of work I did extends beyond Black churches and blue cities, but I believe the rich legacy of political engagement inside the Black church can be a good model for us to follow in this new moment.

At its best, the Black church has shown that churches wield significant power not by directly backing candidates but by shaping local communities and the nation’s consciousness. When segregation and racial discrimination prevented Black people from expressing their political views through rotary clubs or the local chambers of commerce, the Black church stepped forward to fill the role of mediating Black political power. This political engagement was formed at a time when the wider society largely commended faith, family, and Christian sexual ethics. But because of rampant racism, the church served as a central hub for advocacy focused on securing civil rights.

The mission transcended politics and was rooted instead in the biblical mandate to pursue justice and love mercy. Over time, the issues the Black church advocated for—equal justice, expanded voting rights, secure housing and health care—–came to be championed more by one political party, leading most congregants to affiliate with the Democratic Party. Lately, however, the political dynamics have slowly begun to shift. Cultural topics, such as LGBTQ issues and the role of faith in society, are now dominant in political debates. And the consensus around which major political party represents the best hope for Black material prosperity is beginning to fray

The history of the Black church shows that when civil laws unjustly muzzle our voices, some convictions compel us to speak anyway. However, when it comes to unwise alliances that can diminish our eternal message, I know as a pastor that it’s best to practice restraint. While some on the left and the right have reacted to the IRS news as an opportunity to rush into partisan advocacy, churches should instead discern how to speak courageously on issues while keeping our ultimate allegiance not to candidates or parties but to the kingdom of God.

Church occupies a unique position of power, as every candidate and activist knows. As a faith-engagement staffer, I knew it was unlikely that I would hear a pastor say, “Hey, everybody, go vote for candidate X,” but I still wanted and worked with leaders to discuss my candidates and issues. Some might see this delicate dance as confusing and simply want churches to pick a side. But even though navigating these nuances can sometimes seem silly, it’s good for churches to keep these boundaries intact. While we can engage with politics and make moral evaluations, we don’t have to align ourselves with earthly political kingdoms.

Some Christian civic organizations can offer help in this area. The And Campaign, for example, recommends presenting all candidates who want to speak in churches with a questionnaire focused on key moral and political issues, intentionally designed to avoid partisan bias. Like the angel of the Lord whom Joshua encountered before the battle of Jericho, we can demonstrate that the proper question is never “Whose side is God on?” but rather “Who is on God’s side?”

As a church leader, I’m convinced that if pastors begin backing candidates from the pulpit (something we have already seen both on the right and on the left), we not only lose credibility but also hinder our congregants from building relationships with believers who may vote differently from them. Congregants will filter our words on matters of public importance through the lens of partisan politics and its constricting loyalties. And the price of political pragmatism will be the loss of prophetic witness. Choosing candidates in elections is incredibly important work. And yet it is not the church’s role. The body of Christ is called to embody a moral clarity that transcends any political candidate or party. Elections can be zero-sum games, and while there are often “better” choices, there is rarely, if ever, a perfect choice.

The church’s true mandate is to form disciples whose faith shapes every aspect of their lives, including their political engagement. It’s the same principle our high school math teachers taught us when they told us to “show our work” on assignments. They understood that the process by which we arrive at answers often matters more than the answers themselves.

If there is a silver lining to the IRS’s recent filing, it may be that churches no longer have an easy escape route from tough conversations. For too long, many pastors and congregations hid behind the Johnson Amendment, using it as a reason to explain why they couldn’t address important issues. But the church ought to have something to say about justice, righteousness, poverty, racism, and the dignity of human life. Too often our silence has spoken louder—and more harmfully—than our public voice ever could, signaling that the church is either unconcerned about the public good or unprepared to meaningfully contribute to it.

The responsibility for our witness lies squarely on our own shoulders. With the IRS’s new stance, politically passionate congregants or people in a black Suburban might push—or plead—for candidate endorsements. I would caution them to refrain from doing so. But if they don’t, pastors should be prepared to remind them of what Jesus said to the political officials of his day: The kingdom we serve, ultimately, “is not of this world” (John 18:36).

Chris Butler is a pastor in Chicago and the director of Christian civic formation at the Center for Christianity & Public Life. He is also the co-author of  Compassion & Conviction: The And Campaign’s Guide to Faithful Civic Engagement.

News
Wire Story

At Doug Wilson’s DC Church Plant, ‘Worship Is Warfare’

Pete Hegseth and other Capitol conservatives join Christ Church’s new location.

Looking along Pennsylvania Avenue towards the Capitol Building at sunrise in DC
Christianity Today July 15, 2025
Doug Armand / Getty Images

Pastor Jared Longshore isn’t exactly a holy roller preacher. Bearded and bespectacled, his sermon before the Washington, DC, plant of Christ Kirk church on Sunday was delivered in the subdued, heady style typical of the often buttoned-up Reformed Christian tradition.

But as Longshore stood underneath an American flag suspended just above his head, its stars and stripes facing toward the floor, the pastor made clear that the new congregation—an outpost of an Idaho church run by a self-described Christian nationalist—wanted to make some noise.

“We understand that worship is warfare,” Longshore said, leaning over the lectern. He paused for a moment, then added: “We mean that.”

Many in the roughly 120-strong congregation nodded in agreement, a few fanning themselves with church bulletins as they sat packed together in the small, non-air-conditioned room just a few blocks from the US Capitol.

And the message appeared to resonate with the most notable attendee among the crowd of worshippers: US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth. Children in the pews whispered excitedly when Hegseth entered, and the defense secretary was mobbed by supporters as he left the church.

While the service itself followed the traditional rhythms of Reformed Protestant liturgy—confessions of faith, Scripture readings and hymns sung in harmonies that emphasize fourths and fifths—Longshore’s sermon was full of political references. He lauded the Department of Government Efficiency and argued that liberty and equality are concepts that only make sense if they are attached to conservative Christianity.

“If you get rid of God, you lose all sense of what equality is,” Longshore said.

The church plant is the latest example of pastor Doug Wilson’s growing sphere of influence among a cadre of conservatives sometimes described as the “New Right.” Having founded Christ Kirk (also known as Christ Church) in Moscow, Idaho, decades ago, Wilson has since helped establish a small denomination—the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches—while also creating a Christian school, college, seminary, and printing press. Along the way, the stridently conservative pastor has sparked a number of controversies, from his blatant use of anti-LGBTQ slurs to his comments downplaying the atrocities of American slavery.

But Wilson’s political rise is more recent, tied mostly to his congregation’s headline-grabbing protests against pandemic restrictions and the pastor’s fervent, unapologetic embrace of Christian nationalism on his various YouTube channels. The result has been a flurry of prominent politically themed speaking engagements in the past two years, such as speaking alongside Russell Vought (who would go on to be the director of the Office of Management and Budget) at an event hosted in a US Senate office building; addressing the crowd at a Turning Point USA conference; or speaking on a panel at the National Conservatism Conference.

Hegseth, who has praised Wilson’s books, said he moved to Tennessee specifically to enroll his children in a school associated with the Christian education movement popularized by Wilson. He also became a member of a local CREC church in the area. In May, Hegseth had his pastor, Brooks Potteiger, lead a prayer service at the Pentagon.

In an interview with Religion News Service, the Idaho-based Longshore—who is one of many pastors associated with Christ Kirk and the CREC slated to preach to the DC startup until it installs its own pastor—dismissed the idea that the church was part of an effort to influence DC politics in an explicit sense. He echoed Wilson, who has said the nation’s capital is now home to many members of the CREC denomination and denied that Hegseth had any role in bringing the church to Washington.

But Wilson has also stated publicly that establishing the church is part of an effort to capitalize on “strategic opportunities with numerous evangelicals who will be present both in and around the Trump administration,” and Longshore acknowledged the effort is designed to be an indirect form of politicking.

“We do believe that culture is religion externalized, always, whatever the religion,” said Longshore, who serves as an associate pastor at Christ Kirk Moscow. “And politics is downstream from culture, and culture is downstream from worship.”

Photographs were prohibited as a condition of being able to observe the service, but political symbols filled the worship space. Old newspaper articles praising Ronald Reagan dotted the walls, as did multiple American flags.

Some ensigns were associated with the political right, such as the Revolutionary-era “Don’t Tread on Me” flag popularized among conservatives by the Tea Party movement. An “Appeal to Heaven” flag—another Revolutionary-era banner that has become associated with Christian nationalism and the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol—was draped on the wall nearby.

Streetfronts in DCCourtesy of Google Maps / Religion News Service
Christ Kirk DC met in a building, center, on Pennsylvania Avenue owned by Conservative Partnership Institute in Washington.

Granted, the room wasn’t decorated by the church itself, but rather, the flags were likely an artifact of the church’s political ties. The building, situated along Pennsylvania Avenue just southeast of the Capitol, is one of several owned by a far-right think tank known as the Conservative Partnership Institute.

CPI is deeply connected to the MAGA movement: led by former US Senator and Heritage Foundation head Jim DeMint and President Donald Trump’s onetime chief of staff Mark Meadows, the group’s partner organizations include the Center for Renewing America, which was created by Vought, and America First Legal, an operation co-founded by current White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.

Christ Kirk’s own ties to the group appeared to extend to the pews: Spotted among the parishioners on Sunday was Nick Solheim, head of American Moment, an organization founded with the backing of then-senator JD Vance. The group is also listed among CPI’s partners.

Wilson’s various projects appear to be geared toward building a base of power distinct from others that have rallied behind Trump, such as Charismatic and Pentecostal evangelicals that surrounded the president during his first term.

Wilson and his allies were openly critical of the president’s decision to install Pastor Paula White as head of his White House Faith Office, challenging her appointment in part because of their opposition to women’s ordination.

And he has also shown a willingness to exert influence on other powerful, far-right religious institutions: Shortly after announcing Christ Kirk in DC, Wilson unveiled a similar effort at Hillsdale College.

Christian nationalism is a mainstay of Wilson’s projects, a trend that continued on Sunday. Longshore stressed he believes “Christendom” has “marked this land from its founding.” He made a similar argument during his sermon, in which he also suggested that the US has become a “fallen” or “lapsed” nation because it has drifted from its Christian roots.

It’s a common argument among purveyors of Christian nationalism. But it’s also a heavily disputed idea and one unlikely to sit well with DC’s deeply liberal population. Outside the building on Sunday, a pair of protesters stood jeering worshippers as they entered, with one holding a sign that read “Christ Church Is not Welcome.”

One of the protesters, who identified themself only as Jay, told RNS that Christ Kirk espouses values that are “fundamentally un-American” and “un-Christian.”

“But most fundamentally, they’re contrary to my deeply held values, and what I know are the deeply held values of DC,” Jay said.

The frustration was shared by at least one person inside the church. Nathan Krauss, who lives just outside DC and works in the federal government, said he attended the service as part of an ongoing personal effort to learn more about Christian nationalism.

A United Methodist, Krauss said the service was fascinating in part because he found much of it unoffensive. But he argued there was a clear disconnect between Scripture read by worship leaders and their support for Christian nationalism.

“I just really want to know: Is the creation of this church going to create more liberty for the oppressed or less liberty for the oppressed? Because from everything that I see that they’re about, it seems to be that there’s going to be less liberty for people, not more,” Krauss said.

Longshore, for his part, said the hope is for Christ Kirk DC to evolve from a “service” of Christ Kirk Moscow to a mission church and, eventually, a “particularized church” with its own established local leadership.

Asked about the protesters, Longshore quipped, “We love it,” noting that Christ Kirk is sometimes protested in Moscow as well. Washington, DC, of course, is a very different animal than Idaho. But Longshore argued that as a church leader preparing for “spiritual warfare,” he relished the challenge.

“What feels like crazy to you is actually normal stuff,” he said, referring to the protesters. “It’s like normal stuff from the land of the free, in the home of the brave. It’s what we used to be as American society, and what we still are, in large part, outside of the secular bubble.”

Theology

Beyond Buddhist Exceptionalism

Serenity in war undermines wishfulness about “Baseball Zen.”

Buddhist warrior monk and a temple on Mount Hiei

A Buddhist warrior monk from Japan and a Buddhist temple on Mount Hiei.

Christianity Today July 15, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty, WikiMedia Commons

In this series

(For previous articles in this series, see here, here, and here.)

Philosophy professor Evan Thompson, who defines himself as “a good friend to Buddhism,” is also a critic of “Buddhist exceptionalism”: “the belief that Buddhism is superior to other religions in being inherently rational and empirical … a kind of ‘mind science’” that’s “based on meditation.”

Buddhism, particularly in its Zen variation, has gotten a great amount of press as a way of experientially finding one’s “true self,” with a typical article stating, “Meditation Is No Fad. It Could Make Your Career.” Major League Baseball’s television network between innings shows clips of sweet plays under the heading “Baseball Zen.”

And yet Methodist-turned-Buddhist Brian Victoria shows how Zen Buddhist priests during World War II taught Japan’s military leaders to be serene about killing others and, if necessary, themselves. As samurai warriors in previous centuries found Zen’s mind control useful in developing combat consciousness, so kamikaze pilots visited Zen monasteries for spiritual preparation before their last flights.

Some Buddhists taught that life is unreal, so we should not be attached to it. D. T. Suzuki, who taught at Columbia University in the 1950s and became the prime spreader in America of Zen’s mystique, stated in 1938 that Zen’s “ascetic tendency” helped the Japanese soldier to learn that “to go straight forward in order to crush the enemy is all that is necessary for him.”

This was the latest curve in a long history. Japanese Buddhists built a power center on Mount Hiei, which overlooks Kyoto, Japan’s capital from 794 to 1868. Buddhist armies based on the mountain became known for overthrowing emperors at will. Nine hundred years ago Emperor Shirakawa listed the “three things which I cannot bring under obedience: dice, the waters of a rushing river, and the priests on Mt. Hiei.”

One historian of Kyoto, Gouverneur Mosher, noted that “Buddhism did not retard war but rather promoted it.” Brian Victoria and others do not say that Buddhism leads to violence, but they also say it does not necessarily curtail it. Buddhists can be unattached to war, but they can also be unattached to peace.

For example, in the 15th century two Buddhist armies of about 100,000 men each fought for 10 years with Kyoto as the battleground. The city was destroyed. Then came more civil wars that culminated in 1571 when the armies of Japanese strongman Oda Nobunaga burned 300 Tendai temples and killed thousands of those priests.

Nonattachment can cut both ways.

That’s particularly true because Buddhism is exceptional in one way: Buddhists typically do not pray as Jews, Christians, or Muslims pray, because they turn their devotional meditations inward rather than outward. A leader at one Buddhist meditation center I visited said, “Take your glasses off.” I was not to read but to look within.

On Mount Hiei overlooking Kyoto, where Buddhist armies once ruled, monks I met there were trying to achieve nonattachment through Jogyo-do (constant walking). They also meditated for long stretches while fasting, drinking only a little water, and trying hard not to fall asleep. As one monk explained, “If we can remove the desire for food or sleep, we can get closer to the goal of leaving behind all desire.”

Mount Hiei was also the home of elite monks supposed to walk for at least 18 miles a day for 100 days up and down the mountain’s steep slopes. Others, wearing straw sandals, tried to do 1,000 days of walking 50 miles a day. (The monks I asked were vague on how often this was done over the centuries.)

Four short articles on Buddhism only scratch the surface. When I traveled to Japan, the country with the fourth-highest number of Buddhists, Buddhism changed for me from a strange religion with millions of adherents to one interwoven with the lives of particular faces in the crowd. One was a Japanese woman in her 40s with a mottled face, freckles, and some bruising under one eye.

She and others at a Buddhist temple on Mount Koyasan told me how her parents divorced when she was young and how neither wanted to take care of her. She was the fifth and youngest child, with grown-up brothers and sisters who had also abandoned her. Sent around to the homes of various relatives as half maid, half slave, she tried to have herself committed to an orphanage, but those who mistreated her would not allow an action that would bring public shame.

Hurt further by a hard marriage, she and her son, a toddler, began coming to the temple on a beautiful hill in central Japan about a two-hour drive from the crowded streets of Osaka. She believed she could find relief from her pain on a cool Saturday evening by entering a frigid river, her hands clasped before her. She wore a white robe, indicating purity, and threw handfuls of salt into the water as another purifying gesture.

She began chanting names of Buddha, fast, loud, seemingly without stopping for breath. She let out a scream (“VEE-AYE!”) and stood chanting for ten minutes. She later said that during that time she felt Buddha enter her body. She was numbing herself physically and hoped to numb herself emotionally. Seeking nirvana means seeking the elimination of individuality, but it also means hoping to attain a state where there will be no more pain.

One reason Buddhism gets a great press is because its adherents say it’s a nonreligious religion. But as Evan Thompson notes, the question of faith is inescapable in all belief systems, including Buddhism: “Buddhist faith is trust or confidence in the teachings of the Buddha, and trust or confidence in the possibility of awakening (bodhi) and liberation (nirvāṇa).” The Buddhist bottom line is that we don’t need a savior: If we work at it enough, we can save ourselves. 

Readers seeking further enlightenment might turn to CT’s 2023 “Engaging Buddhism” series. In it, Angela Lu Fulton observed, “While Westerners view Buddhism as a philosophy, Paul De Neui, a former missionary to Thailand and professor of missiology at North Park Theological Seminary, noted that this concept isn’t embraced by Buddhists in the East, who see Buddhism as a cultural identity. This means they are Buddhists because their parents are Buddhist.”

She also noted, “When Buddhism entered different countries, the religion’s elasticity allowed it to integrate with local religions. Because it rarely challenged local norms, many could easily accept Buddhism alongside their existing faiths. This practice of syncretism led the religion to look quite different depending on the country. In China, Buddhism was mixed with Daoism and traditional ancestor worship. In Cambodia, its cosmology includes ghosts and spirits, ancestors and Brahma deities.”

Bottom line: “By combining with local religions, Buddhism created a strong bond with people’s nationalities. Often when trying to minister to Buddhists, Christians find that the greatest barrier to evangelism is the mindset that ‘to be Thai (or another nationality) is to be Buddhist.’”

News

Pro-Life Groups Prioritize Education

Iowa becomes sixth state to require students learn about prenatal development.

Model and digital representation of an unborn child
Christianity Today July 15, 2025
Robyn Beck / AFP via Getty Images

Sixty years ago, Life magazine showed the world what a baby in the womb looks like. 

The 18-week-old unborn child on the front page of the April 30, 1965, edition captivated readers and quickly sold out. The photo essay inside, showing portraits from conception through all the stages of development, helped many see the humanity of the unborn. 

Pro-life advocates in Iowa hope a new law in their state will do the same.

Last month, the Iowa legislature passed a bill requiring prenatal development education in public schools. The state joins five others—Indiana, Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota, and Tennessee—that now require teachers to show classes the process of fertilization, the growth of an embryo, and the development of organs. 

In Iowa, students in grades 5 to 12 will be required to watch ultrasounds or computer-generated videos, like the one offered for free by the pro-life group Live Action.

“This legislation ensures that students in these states will see medically accurate, visually compelling educational materials in public school including resources like Live Action’s ‘Baby Olivia’ video,” Live Action’s president and founder, Lila Rose, said in a statement. According to Rose, the video “illustrates the humanity of the preborn child.”

Kristi Judkins, executive director of Iowa Right to Life, believes the law will give students information that will shape the choices they make in the future. It’s information she wishes she had learned in school. It might have prevented her from getting an abortion more than 40 years ago.

“I believe it would have 100 percent influenced my decision,” she said. “It’s fascinating when you think of just the creativity and the intricacy of the nervous system and the function of the heart. And when those things develop in an unborn baby, it’s just amazing.”

The shift in Judkins’s views came slowly. She said God used education about pregnancy to show her what she had not understood and change her heart.

“When I began to learn all of the intricacies around fetal development,” she said, “it became such a passion of mine to make sure that I conveyed the enthusiasm and the truth about what life developing—being fearfully and wonderfully made—truly means.”

Iowa Right to Life lobbied for the law. An early version of the bill faced criticism over Live Action’s “Baby Olivia” video. Critics say it calculates milestones based on fertilization rather than from the first day of the mother’s last menstrual cycle, which is the standard starting point. As a result, milestones appear two weeks earlier than they do on the timelines commonly used. Others say the pro-life animation is not as accurate as it should be.

The first draft of the legislation specifically required teachers to show students a video comparable to the “Baby Olivia” video. To advance the bill, Iowa lawmakers omitted references specifically to the “Baby Olivia” video.

“The key part was making sure that ‘Baby Olivia’ as a video was an option to be able to play to demonstrate the humanity of the unborn, in addition to other options that are out there,” Judkins said. “There are bipartisan organizations that focus on embryology, and they have wonderful materials.”

The bill has now been signed by governor Kim Reynolds. 

Judkins believes education inside and outside the schools is key to the future of the pro-life movement. She hopes videos about prenatal development will persuade more people to identify with the pro-life position. 

A recent Gallup poll found that 51 percent of Americans now identify as “pro-choice.” Sixty percent said the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade and allowing states to regulate abortion was a bad thing. 

John Mize, CEO of Americans United for Life, said that to make more political progress, pro-life groups will have to prioritize persuasion. 

“How do we take the polls and move them 5 to 10 percent in the direction for life?” he said.

Mize believes education on fetal development could have a significant impact, convincing more people that life begins at conception. 

“Why are we not teaching that to children?” Mize said, citing a study that says the majority of biologists agree with the claim. “Nowhere in the content in most public school education are you going to receive anything that talks about human dignity in the womb and the fact that it is a human being.”

Pro-life groups in some states are not working on changing school curriculum but nonetheless agree that education is a top priority. Louisiana Right to Life policy director Erica Inzina said one of her group’s programs focuses on educating students.

“It’s … all voluntary and something that students sign up to do, but we feel like it’s very important to counteract the misinformation and the false narrative that they’re otherwise being bombarded with,” Inzina said. “We know that our opposition is very good about wording and promoting their cause in a way that is captivating to young people. So we do a lot to try to counteract that.”

Pulse, a part of the Louisiana organization which includes a summer camp and weekend events throughout the year, teaches young people to engage with issues of human dignity, become pro-life advocates, and help women considering abortion to find resources that could help them carry their pregnancies to term.

Education, Inzina said, can transform culture. 

“The goal … is that people would respect and value life so much and then also have access to the resources that are needed to support life so much that the concept of taking a life would be just absolutely something people wouldn’t even consider,” she said. 

“We don’t just want to make abortion unavailable; we want to make it unthinkable.” 

News

Died: John MacArthur, Who Explained the Bible to Millions

The Southern California preacher wanted to illuminate Scripture with Scripture and separate real Christians from false.

John MacArthur obituary photo
Christianity Today July 14, 2025
Grace to You

Expository preacher John F. MacArthur Jr., who taught Scripture to millions through taped sermons, radio broadcasts, Bible commentaries, and a best-selling study Bible, died Monday at the age of 86.

MacArthur said the most important mark of his ministry was that he explained the Bible with the Bible, not cluttering up sermons with personal stories, commentary on current events, or appeals to emotion, but teaching timeless truth. The longtime pastor of Grace Community Church said a good sermon should still be good 50 years after it is preached. 

“It isn’t time-stamped by any kind of cultural events or personal events,” MacArthur said. “It’s not about me. And it transcends not only time, but it transcends culture.”

He published the MacArthur Study Bible in 1997, with 20,000 notes on specific verses, as well as an index of important doctrines, introductions to each book of the Bible, and suggested Bible-reading plans. It sold 2 million copies in 22 years. 

His New Testament commentary—a series that Moody Publishers put out in 34 volumes over 31 years—also sold more than 1 million copies.

“He was the dean of expository preachers,” Left Behind author and former Moody editor Jerry Jenkins, who first proposed the idea of a MacArthur commentary, told Christianity Today. “A brilliant expositor. He preached 40-minute sermons, and they always seemed like they were 10 minutes.”

MacArthur also regularly sparked controversy, clashing with evangelicals who disagreed with him about the gifts of the Holy Spirit, biblical gender roles, and what is necessary to be saved.

He sometimes acknowledged these conflicts could have been handled with more humility. “I might have come in a little more like a lamb instead of a lion,” he said of one sermon. But MacArthur also believed the condemnation of Christians who are not real Christians was essential—and the second key mark of his ministry.

MacArthur’s most devoted followers were inspired by his fierceness. The satirical news site Babylon Bee frequently celebrated MacArthur as a warrior triumphing in ludicrous conflicts. Christian journalist Megan Basham praised his courage.

“MacArthur … has consistently refused to join the latest relevance-chasing fads. And it is this very refusal that has given his ministry enduring relevance for new generations,” she wrote on the social media platform X. “Forever grateful for the impact his teaching has had on my life.”

MacArthur was born to Irene Dockendorf MacArthur and John F. MacArthur Sr. on June 19, 1939. He was the son, grandson, great-grandson, and great-great grandson of evangelical preachers, going back to Canada and Scotland. 

His father was a Baptist pastor and traveling evangelist who launched a ministry to movie stars, including actors Roy Rogers and Dale Evans, in Southern California in the early 1940s. The elder MacArthur also had a radio ministry called Voice of Calvary, which was influential in the conversion of John M. Perkins, who went on to become a prominent evangelical advocate of racial reconciliation.

The younger MacArthur recalled that he began to imitate his father at age five or six, standing on a box in the backyard to preach to neighborhood friends and his three younger sisters, Jeanette, Julie, and Jane.

“I don’t ever remember a time when I didn’t believe the gospel,” MacArthur said. “I was one of those kids that never rebelled and always believed. And so, when God did his saving work in my heart, it was not discernible to me.”

As he grew older, MacArthur was more interested in sports than preaching. He wanted to play football in college, but his father insisted he go to Bob Jones University, which did not have an intercollegiate team at the time. Instead of playing football, MacArthur was put on a street-preaching team.

He “chafed a little” at Bob Jones, as he later recalled. A car accident convinced him he needed to submit to God completely. 

As he told and retold the story in sermons for years after, he was driving cross-country on a preaching tour with five other young people after his freshman year of college. The driver tried to pass someone on an Alabama highway and lost control. The two-door Ford Fairlane went into a spin and then flipped and rolled at 65, 70, or 75 miles an hour, landing on its roof. 

MacArthur was thrown from the vehicle, skidding down the road on his back.

“My back literally was raw down to the bone,” he recalled. “I stood up, and I realized I was alive.”

In the hospital on his stomach for several months, he decided to return to Bob Jones for a second year. He thought he discerned a call to ministry and felt he needed to commit everything to God.

“Lord,” he prayed, “I can see now that my life really is in your hands and you have absolute control of not only my eternal destiny but my time here in this world.”

MacArthur got another chance to play football a year later, though, and took it, transferring to Los Angeles Pacific College. He would later claim he was recruited by numerous professional teams, including the Washington Redskins and the Cleveland Browns, but school records show he wasn’t a standout player at the California college. One year, he had only five tackles and three rushing yards.

MacArthur decided in 1961 that he didn’t want to give his life to football anyway. He would rather follow his father into ministry.

His first job after seminary was associate pastor under his father at a church named for his grandfather: Harry MacArthur Memorial Bible Church. After a few years, he decided to go out on his own and accepted a call at Grace Community Church, an independent, nondenominational congregation in the Sun Valley neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. Two pastors in a row had died, leaving the congregation of about 400 eager to find someone young.

MacArthur, 29, was not impressed with the church. Grace’s motto was “in essentials unity, in non-essentials charity,” which he dismissed as silly and sentimental. The church had no real doctrine, according to MacArthur, and many of the longtime members and even leaders in the congregation were not real Christians.

“There were unsaved elders on that board, and unsaved people in leadership in the church,” MacArthur said. “But there were enough good people that knew what they wanted and knew that they needed to be taught the Word of God.” 

MacArthur preached his first sermon in 1969 on Matthew 7:21, which says, “Not everyone who says to me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only the one who does the will of my Father who is in heaven.”

After that he started preaching through the New Testament one book at a time, beginning with the Gospel of John and then moving to Peter’s first and second epistles. MacArthur spent 30 hours a week preparing sermons and delegated almost all other pastoral responsibilities to the church’s elders and lay leaders. 

The church grew rapidly. Grace built a new building that could seat 1,000 in 1971 and expanded again in 1977, tripling in size. It became the largest Protestant church in Los Angeles by the end of the decade.

The demand for recordings of MacArthur’s sermons also exploded. Church members sent out 5,000 tapes every week, then 15,000, then 30,000. By the end of the ’70s, more than 100,000 Christians around the country were receiving MacArthur’s recorded sermons every week. The church also launched a separate ministry, Grace to You, to broadcast MacArthur’s messages on Christian radio.

“John’s ministry proves how timeless preaching can be when it is merely sound, clear biblical exposition,” Phil Johnson, executive director of Grace to You, said in 2011. “If the aim of preaching is the awakening of spiritually dead souls and the cleansing and transformation of lives spoiled by sin, then all that really counts is that the preacher be faithful in proclaiming the Word of God with clarity, accuracy, and candor.”

That preaching, however, was not without controversy. In 1979, MacArthur taught on Titus 2 and the apostle Paul’s instructions that women “be busy at home” and “subject to their husbands” (v. 5). He said that women should not work outside the home and families should not require two incomes.

The leaders of the church decided the staff, not just the leadership, needed to be all male. The announcement caused an uproar in the church and the surrounding community. A number of people left Grace, accusing MacArthur of “Christian male chauvinism.” 

The following year, the family of a man who had attended Grace sued for clergy malpractice—a first in the United States, according to the Los Angeles Times. Ministers at the church had counseled a suicidal young man named Kenneth Nally, telling him he should pray more, read the Bible, and listen to tapes of MacArthur’s sermons. When Nally took his own life, his parents hired a lawyer. They claimed ministers who provided counseling should be held to the same legal standard as psychologists. A California court ultimately dismissed the suit on First Amendment grounds.

Perhaps the most defining controversy came in the late 1980s, after MacArthur published The Gospel According to Jesus. He argued in the book that it wasn’t enough for sinners to accept Christ as Savior; true Christians must also recognize Jesus as Lord. 

According to MacArthur, American evangelicals had led millions of people astray with the “damning false assurance” of “insidious easy-believism.” And many professing followers of Christ with testimonies of being born again were, in fact, “seriously wrong about the most basic of Christian truths.” 

Critics, including a number of conservative evangelicals at Dallas Theological Seminary, accused MacArthur of mixing faith and works and denying justification by faith. Theologian Charles C. Ryrie wrote that MacArthur diluted and polluted the grace of God. New Testament professor Zane Hodges went further, calling MacArthur’s teaching “Satanic at its core.”

Other prominent evangelicals rallied to MacArthur’s defense. They argued he was only articulating traditional Christian ideas about repentance and discipleship. 

Theologian J. I. Packer, for example, identified MacArthur’s position with the Reformed teaching that faith “is a whole-souled reality with an affectional and volitional aspect as well as an intellectual one.” Southern Baptist Theological Seminary president Albert Mohler called The Gospel According to Jesus “a much-needed corrective to dangerous misunderstandings.”

Some observers said the two sides had just misunderstood each other.

“There is often a difference in what MacArthur says and what he apparently means,” wrote New Testament professor Darrell L. Bock. “Certain ambiguities in MacArthur’s style make it difficult to determine what his real position is.”

No one accused MacArthur of ambiguity in his attacks on charismatics. He said the Christians who believed they were filled with the power of the Holy Spirit were teaching a counterfeit, “aberrant” Christianity. He called them “harebrained people … prompted by Satan” and decried the charismatic movement’s widespread presence in Christian media.

“It has done a takeover, and it has redefined Christianity in people’s minds, and it’s an aberrant form of Christianity,” MacArthur said. “Its theology is bad, it is unbiblical, it is aberrant, it is destructive.”

MacArthur was also clear about Christians who believe that women can be called to teach the Bible, accusing them of ignoring unambiguous, universal commands in Scripture and engaging in “open rebellion” against the Word of God. Women should not ever speak in church, according to MacArthur, or hold positions of authority in church or in secular life.

MacArthur specifically attacked popular women’s Bible teacher Beth Moore, saying she had the natural ability to sell jewelry on TV but shouldn’t confuse that for a call to preach. He told her to “go home.”

There was another controversy in the 2020s, when a woman named Eileen Gray came forward to accuse him of shaming her publicly for leaving her abusive husband. David Gray, a children’s minister at Grace, confessed to hitting his daughter “way too harshly—brutally” on her legs, feet, hands, and head and dragging his two other children as a form of discipline. Gray said she had been instructed by Grace ministers to forgive him even if he didn’t repent and to show her children how to “suffer like Jesus.” When she instead took her children and moved out, MacArthur condemned her from the pulpit and instructed the congregation to shun her, suggesting she was not really a Christian.

David Gray was later sent to prison for physical and sexual child abuse.

Hohn Cho, an elder at the church, looked into the decision to disfellowship Eileen Gray in 2022 and concluded she had been treated unjustly. He urged leaders to make things right with her, at least privately. The elder told Christianity Today that MacArthur said to “forget it.”

Cho instead stepped down, only to discover at least eight other women at Grace with stories about being counseled to stay with abusive husbands, even when they feared for their own safety and the safety of their children.

Church leadership declined to respond to specific accusations but released a statement defending the church’s counseling as biblical and called the CT report “lies.”

MacArthur, on another occasion, said he struggled to deal with public criticism and accusation but was especially wounded by what he called “mutiny.”

“It’s happened several times,” he said. “And it’s a shock. You know, your own familiar friend has lifted up his heel against you, the one with whom you broke bread. You know? Like Scripture says about Judas.”

The waves of controversy, decade after decade, did not notably limit MacArthur’s influence. 

Grace’s 3,500-seat sanctuary still filled multiple times per weekend in 2025. MacArthur’s sermons were broadcast on more than 1,000 radio stations across America and distributed by Grace to You. More than 700 men were enrolled at The Master’s Seminary, where MacArthur served as chancellor, and around 5,000 attended an annual conference for church leaders.

The MacArthur Study Bible continues to sell and is currently available with the New King James Version, the New International Version, the English Standard Version, the New American Standard Bible, and the Legacy Standard Bible translations. The MacArthur Daily Bible smartphone app has been downloaded more than 5 million times.

Publishing veteran Chip Brown said people turn to MacArthur because they trust him as a pastor and because he “is just unpacking what the text says and how that fits into our lives.” 

MacArthur, for his part, said he hoped he would be remembered for teaching the Bible.

“I just really want to be known as someone who was a servant of the Lord,” he said, “faithful to the teaching of the Word of God and to the unfolding of the mysteries of the gospel of the New Testament.”

MacArthur is survived by his wife, Patricia Smith MacArthur; their children Matt, Mark, Marcy, and Melinda; 15 grandchildren, and nine great-grandchildren.

News

Kentucky Church Shooter Killed Pastor’s Wife and Daughter

Domestic violence and family disputes remain a top cause for violence on church property.

White church with grey roof surrounded by police tape adn cars.

Police assess the scene after a shooting at Richmond Road Baptist Church on July 13, 2025 in Lexington, Kentucky.

Christianity Today July 14, 2025
Michael Swensen / Getty Images

A Kentucky man looking for the mother of his children shot a state trooper, stole a car, drove to a small Baptist church, and opened fire on her relatives as they prepared lunch after the service on Sunday.

The suspect fatally shot the pastor’s wife and adult daughter—the sister of the woman he was looking for—in the church’s basement kitchen and injured the pastor and the woman’s brother-in-law outside before being killed by police, her sisters recounted in local news reports.

The incident took place in Lexington at Richmond Road Baptist Church, led by longtime pastor Jerry Gumm, who remains hospitalized. Gumm’s wife and mother of eight, Beverly Gumm, died on the scene along with her daughter Christina Combs.

“This church was a small church, and the majority of the individuals there are biologically related in some way or another. If not, they’ve been friends for many, many years,” said Fayette County coroner Gary Ginn. “They’re a very tight-knit group of people.”

The coroner’s office identified the suspect as 47-year-old Guy House. Police say he shot a Kentucky state trooper who tried to pull him over, then he fled the scene, carjacked a vehicle, and proceeded to the church. On Sunday, police indicated preliminary evidence pointed to a connection between the suspect and individuals at the church.

Officials have not identified a motive for the shooting, but Beverly Gumm’s daughter, Star Rutherford, said House came in the back door asking for one of her sisters.

When they told him the sister wasn’t there, he responded, “Well, someone is gonna have to die, then,” and shot at them, according to Rutherford’s account.

“Guy House wanted to hurt my sister or someone she loved,” Rutherford said in the Lexington Herald-Leader.

A county clerk stated that House, who had a criminal history involving theft and drug use, had been scheduled to appear in court for a domestic violence hearing on Monday but that the hearing did not involve the woman he was looking for at Richmond Road Baptist.

The shooting marks another deadly incident on church property—and another example of familial conflict spilling over into church life.

Around 14 percent of violent incidents involving deadly force at houses of worship stem from domestic conflicts, with the Faith Based Security Network tracking 269 such cases between 1999 and 2020.

“Year after year, domestic abuse spillover—when a fight at home comes to church—is one of the three most common killers at faith-based organizations,” the network’s founder and church security expert Carl Chinn said.

The other top causes for violence on church grounds are robbery and personal conflict; it’s much rarer for perpetrators to be religiously motivated. Most of the time (62%), deadly attacks occur during off-hours when no events are taking place, the network survey found.

Domestic violence also remains a key factor in gun deaths overall. Everytown for Gun Safety Support Fund reports that nearly half (46%) of shootings killing four or more people involve a perpetrator going after an intimate partner or family member.

The 2017 attack at First Baptist Church in Sutherland Springs, Texas—which remains the deadliest shooting at a US house of worship—stemmed from the shooter targeting the small congregation where his estranged wife attended with her family. The shooter’s wife’s grandmother was among his 26 victims.

“In a smaller church, the boundaries between family and church are thin and blurry, so family problems spill over,” Texas pastor Bart Barber wrote for CT after the 2017 shooting. “Working on the front lines of these sensitive issues, churches can become targets when things go wrong.”

News

‘Georgia’s George Bailey’ Accused of $140 Million Fraud

The investment opportunity widely promoted on conservative Christian politics podcasts was a Ponzi scheme, according to the SEC.

Christianity Today July 14, 2025
Youtube screengrab

Federal authorities are accusing a prominent Christian conservative of running a $140 million Ponzi scheme. 

Edwin Brant Frost IV, a businessman who once ran televangelist Pat Robertson’s presidential campaign in Georgia, allegedly took money from investors and used it to pay other investors and to buy himself and his family nice things. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) claims Frost spent $335,000 on rare coins, $230,000 on family vacations in Maine, and $160,000 on jewelry.

He also made more than $570,000 political donations and spent $2.4 million on credit cards, according to the SEC.

First Liberty Building and Loan promised investors that their money would go to bridge loans for small businesses, reaping returns of up to 18 percent. 

Frost’s son, state Republican Party official Edwin Brant Frost V, told potential investors this was a way to “grow the patriot economy.” He said the suburban Atlanta company helped retired teachers and ministers “as well as doctors, lawyers, and everyone else you can imagine.” 

The investment opportunity was heavily promoted on political podcasts and radio programs and endorsed by conservative Christian commentators. Erick Erickson praised the Frosts as “a good Christian family” and said he knew them personally and they were “wonderful people.” Hugh Hewitt called the elder Frost “Georgia’s George Bailey,” comparing him to the hero in the movie It’s a Wonderful Life

First Liberty was neither chartered nor insured as a bank, however. It did not accept deposits, only investments, starting at $25,000. 

Some of the money did go to small businesses, many of which struggled to pay back what they owed, according to the SEC. Federal investigators also found increasing sums went to payments to old investors, who were encouraged to invest more and keep the whole thing going.

In a little more than a decade, the company got about 300 people involved the Ponzi scheme, according to the SEC investigation.

The Newnan Times-Herald identified one of them as John Vander Wiele, the owner of a recycling company with about 40 employees. When he sold a piece of property, he decided to put $25,000 into the financial opportunity he had heard about on conservative Christian podcasts.

Vander Wiele liked the fact that First Liberty was led by, as it said on the website, “authentic followers of Christ.” The Brants emphasized this when they met him in person too.

“They told me they were Sunday school teachers and churchgoers,” Vander Wiele told the Georgia newspaper. “It was like lending money to your neighbor. You feel good about it because you know where he lives.”

Joe Hubbard, a retiree, said he and his wife put their life savings into First Liberty investments. They also heard about the plan to “grow the patriot economy” on a political talk show. They met the Brants in person before investing and talked about church, Sunday school, and their shared conservative values.

The Hubbards don’t yet know whether they will ever see any of their money again.

“We’re out of our minds,” Hubbard said to The Newnan Times-Herald. “We can’t eat or sleep. We don’t know where to turn.”

One of the last things investors received from First Liberty before the company shut down was an email about more investment opportunities. The younger Frost said there was “very strong loan demand” and the investments were “helping local small businesses become great businesses!”

First Liberty always claimed it was lending money to people who were going to get loans from the Small Business Administration or commercial banks, allowing the small businesses to quickly pay off the borrowed bridge funding, earning investors between 8 and 18 percent interest. 

The promised amount should have been a red flag, according to Justin C. Jeffries, an SEC associate director in Atlanta. 

“We’ve seen this movie before—bad actors luring investors with promises of seemingly over-generous returns,” Jeffries said, “and it does not end well.”

Actual loan repayments did not earn enough to pay investors, according to the SEC investigation. Yet First Liberty kept recruiting more. 

Many of the borrowers defaulted, the SEC found. But First Liberty allegedly withheld that information from investors and told people who were interested in investing that defaults were exceedingly rare.

According to the SEC, the company “knowingly, intentionally, and/or recklessly … made untrue statements of material facts and omitted to state material facts, and engaged in fraudulent acts, practices and courses of business.”

A statement on the company’s shuttered website says First Liberty is now “cooperating with federal authorities as part of an effort to accomplish an orderly wind-up of the business.” 

The federal court froze Frost family assets on Friday and ordered First Liberty to repay the money it had taken, plus interest. 

The elder Frost agreed to the financial terms requested by the SEC without admitting any guilt or specific facts.

“I take full responsibility for my actions and am resolved to spend the rest of my life trying to repay as much as I can to the many people I misled and let down,” he said in a statement put out by his lawyer. “I would like to apologize personally to those I have harmed, but I am under restrictions which prevent me from doing so.”

Federal prosecutors have declined to say whether they will seek criminal charges. State authorities are also investigating.

The Associated Press reported that First Liberty’s collapse “rocked” conservative Christian networks in Georgia. The company had made generous donations to multiple congressional campaigns, state legislative campaigns, and Republican Party organizations, as well as political action committees promising to fight conspiracies to steal elections from Republicans.

The elder Frost came to prominence in Georgia politics in 1987 with aggressive, insurgent tactics meant to disrupt the Republican establishment and hand power to those he saw as true conservatives. He went on to organize for Pat Buchanan, who pledged to “make America first again,” and Alan Keyes, who warned about the moral crisis facing the country.

Frost had a copy of the December 25, 2000, issue of Time magazine, when George W. Bush was named person of the year, framed in his office. He said that God “clearly raised up Donald Trump for such a time as this” and that the 2025 inauguration would spark “a new and amazing awakening to our land.”

In an interview with historians documenting the modern conservative movement in Georgia, Frost said he became a born-again Christian in 1980 at a multilevel marketing business event.

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