News

Hindu Groups Push Further Discrimination Against Christian Dalits

Converts need to choose between public faith and caste-based benefits.

Dalit Christians and other activists hold placards during a protest in New Delhi.

Dalit Christians and other activists hold placards during a protest in New Delhi.

Christianity Today June 11, 2025
Hindustan Times / Contributor / Getty

Vikrant Maheshwar, a Christian Dalit in his late 30s, worked for the Andhra Pradesh government in Southern India for 11 years. His salary from the state’s agriculture department not only allowed him to comfortably provide for his wife and children but also quietly supported his evangelism work.

Maheshwar became a Christian in primary school after his family heard the gospel from neighbors in Andhra Pradesh. The message of Jesus’ love for everyone resonated with him and his family, as they had long faced discrimination for belonging to the lowest caste in Hinduism. Christianity Today is not using Maheshwar’s real name, as Christian Dalits can face attacks from Hindu nationalist groups for speaking out.

Sunday school and daily Bible reading became part of his upbringing. By the time he was about 20, he felt a call to serve the Lord. He began preaching as an evangelist in churches across the region on Sundays while working for the government on weekdays.

But last November, Maheshwar’s life came to a halt when a fundamentalist Hindu group complained to his employer that he was a preacher and thus illegally holding a Scheduled Caste (SC) status. The status offers Dalit citizens—except for those who follow Christianity or Islam—education and employment privileges to counteract historic discrimination. Maheshwar got his government job through this protection.

Often when Dalits convert to Christianity, they keep their faith private and legally maintain their Hindu names to keep their SC status. Christian Dalits who pass as Hindu are called crypto-Christians. Until recently, authorities overlooked this practice. But as Hindu nationalism grows in India, Hindutva groups are exposing Dalit Christians and pressuring the government to act.

India’s Supreme Court ruled in November that practicing Christians who hold on to their SC certificates are committing “fraud on the constitution.” As a result, many Dalit Christians are now voluntarily giving up their SC status.

“What was not an issue earlier—or at least dormant—is now being brought to the fore to spread fear,” said Noah Simon, a researcher of Indian Christians at the University of Hyderabad.

When the government learned about Maheshwar’s Christian identity, it fired him. His family suffered, as he could no longer financially support them, and he and his wife divorced under the stress. Humiliated and burdened by debt, he withdrew from the ministry, his family, and his social life.

“Let it be. I don’t have anything to say,” Maheshwar said. “I am neither a pastor nor run a ministry now.”

Although India officially abolished the caste system decades ago, Dalits continue to face prejudice.Across large swaths of India, upper-caste people threaten or attack Dalits for reasons as simple as wearing footwear, sporting a moustache, or riding a horse. In some especially barbaric cases, Dalits are urinated upon or forced to lick the feet of upper-caste people.

Dalit women are among the most oppressed groups in the world and are often victims of sexual violence or even murder. Dalit children top the list of dropouts in India once they reach upper primary levels. About 71 percent of Dalits are agricultural laborers working on land they don’t own.

SC status, enshrined in the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, allows Dalits to attend schools and get jobs at institutions that have long shut them out, and it gives them access to welfare.

The government doesn’t grant Christians and Muslims SC status; it claims the Bible and Quran don’t endorse caste-based hierarchy, so they don’t need such a requirement. Yet in Indian society, caste transcends religion.

“There is no empirical evidence to suggest that the socioeconomic standing of Dalit Christians [has changed] drastically,” said Emanual Nahar, professor of political science at Panjab University and former chairman of the Punjab State Minority Commission. “They are worse off than Hindu Dalits. They are compelled to live with a dual identity—one for faith, another for official records.”

For instance, a Christian Dalit in his 40s (who asked to remain unnamed for security reasons) and his family in the southern state of Telangana are fighting to save their ancestral land from influential upper-caste men. The family filed a case against their opponents under the 1989 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, which protects Dalits against caste-based violence and punishes offenders with a prison term of up to life imprisonment. 

Most of the members in this man’s family legally retained their Hindu identity after they embraced Christianity. But his brother reported his conversion, a move that dropped him to Backward Class-C (BC-C) status, a category with fewer benefits. Although the government reserves 15 percent of positions for SC holders, that percentage drops to 1 percent for those with BC-C status. Though the family has hidden their Bibles and taken down crosses in their home, the Christian Dalit believes his opponents know his family’s religious status. 

“They know we go to church,” he said. “That alone is enough to discredit us in the court.”

If the government discovers the family is Christian, they could lose their SC status and would no longer be able to file the case under the 1989 act.

“My family and I have been praying constantly for deliverance,” the Christian Dalit said. “Every Friday, during the fasting prayer, the entire church prays for us. My brother often quotes Psalm 18:2, which is a great source of encouragement.”

Under previous administrations, some called for extending SC status to all Dalits regardless of their religion. A 2007 judicial commission said SC status should be “completely de-linked … from religion.”

Not only has Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government dismissed that finding as “flawed,” citing a lack of empirical evidence; it has also testified before the Supreme Court that there is no way SC status would be given to Dalit Christians and Muslims. The Hindu nationalist government believes such a move would encourage conversion to Christianity and weaken Hinduism.

Under pressure from numerous appeals from Dalit Christians, the Modi administration set up another commission in 2022 to look into the issue. While it was supposed to submit its report last October, it has not yet done so.  But many believe it will support his underlying beliefs.

Due to the subhuman treatment Dalits face, many have shunned Hinduism. European and American missionaries brought Christianity to the Dalits in the 19th and 20th centuries and provided educational opportunities and health care. As a result, some Christian Dalits have experienced upward social mobility in the government and private sectors. Dalits make up an estimated 70 percent of Christians in India, according to scholars and activists.

Yet even in the church, Dalits continue to face discrimination. Separate churches—and at times separate burial grounds—exist for different caste groups. Christian marriages also fall along caste and subcaste lines.

The hunt for Christian Dalits holding SC status has escalated in recent months. Hindu right-wing activists have stationed themselves outside churches, armed with cameras, to collect evidence against worshipers, said Vijaya Raju Gaddapati, president of All India Christian Federation. Some even search for tombstones bearing crosses and Christian names. They use this to find living ancestors and “out” them as Christians to take away their SC status, he added.

Because of this, Christians have been rejecting baptism certificates and documentation for marriages held in churches, fearing the documentary trail they leave behind, said Rufus Kolikapudi, activist and journalist at Siti News Mangalagiri.

But other Christians have begun to legally change their status.

A 30-year-old Dalit Christian in Telangana, who also asked to remain anonymous for security reasons, said he and his family embraced Christianity about a decade ago after his father was miraculously healed from a chronic ailment. Yet now as more Hindu groups are disclosing crypto-Christians, he has decided to voluntarily give up his SC status so he won’t be seen as doing anything illegal. In addition, he desires to reconcile his public and private identities.

Despite objections from their father, he and his brother decided to publicly state their Christian faith, which would switch them to BC-C status. The move would make it extremely difficult for him to secure a civil service position.

“I have no choice,” he said. “If I keep holding on to my SC certificate, they will call me a fraud. If I give it up, I lose the little support I had left.”

Books
Review

We Can Debate Women in Ministry. But Not the Historical Facts.

Beth Allison Barr challenges the narrative that women have never exercised church authority.

Deborah prophesying to a crowd
Christianity Today June 11, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: WikiMedia Commons

In 2021, Southern Baptist Theological Seminary president Albert Mohler reaffirmed his denomination’s stance against women in the pulpit. Mohler’s May 10 daily “briefing” quoted from the Baptist Faith and Message 2000, a statement that declares the following: “While both men and women are gifted for service in the church, the office of pastor/elder/overseer is limited to men as qualified by Scripture.”

His remarks came in response to the heated conversation swirling around Saddleback Church’s decision to ordain three female pastors. The Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) opposed this move decisively, voting in 2023 to remove Saddleback from the convention after deciding it was not in “friendly cooperation.”

Because of the convention’s size and influence, Southern Baptist theology and policies shape debates on women’s roles across the broader evangelical landscape. As a case in point, consider the mid-1980s triumph of the “conservative resurgence” within the SBC, which gave momentum to a pair of related ideas: that women can serve God in many ways but not in authority over men, and that it’s always been this way.

Baylor University history professor Beth Allison Barr wants to overturn this narrative, and as a historian she naturally looks to the past for evidence. In her latest book, Becoming the Pastor’s Wife: How Marriage Replaced Ordination as a Woman’s Path to Ministry, she illuminates the current SBC teaching—shared by much of the American evangelical movement—that women cannot serve as spiritual authorities. Barr sets this assertion against the backdrop of church history, which shows women indeed have held authoritative public positions in the church.


Barr, already well-known for her 2020 book The Making of Biblical Womanhood, is herself a Baptist pastor’s wife. She agrees that pastors’ wives can exercise positive influence on their husbands’ churches and that this role can offer a valid pathway for women to use their gifts in ministry.

In Becoming the Pastor’s Wife, however, Barr pairs her own experience with archival evidence to argue that evangelical ministry wives have lacked true authority even as they performed various leadership tasks. Any influence they have wielded has been contingent on their husbands’ authority.

Yet as a historian of the Middle Ages, Barr knew that her lived experience clashed with past reality. The struggle of many pastors’ wives to fit within the constraints of complementarian theology was unnecessary—and unsupported by history. During the first thousand years of the church, women routinely served in leadership positions based on their own calls to ministry.

But the opportunities dwindled. When the Protestant Reformers eliminated nuns and introduced the office of pastor, which came with permission for clergymen to marry, the role of pastor’s wife developed as an unofficial but influential position for women. Emphasizing what women could do in that informal role also provided a cover for prohibiting women from serving in formal positions of authority alongside men, Barr argues.

Besides boasting historical expertise, Barr knows her Bible well, and she begins her latest book by wondering why all the apostles’ wives—who obviously exist (1 Cor. 9:5)—never appear in the biblical text. Barr writes, “Given the amount of emphasis placed on ‘biblical’ womanhood in complementarian spaces (what women did or didn’t do in the biblical text dictates what women should or shouldn’t do in the modern church), it strikes me as odd that a role with such tenuous biblical evidence has become the primary role highlighted for women.”

Ironically, the New Testament offers plenty of evidence of what women were doing in response to their call to God’s service. Barr cites New Testament women such as the Bible teacher Priscilla, the apostle Junia, the deacon Phoebe, and the apostle Philip’s four daughters, who were known and approved as prophets (Acts 21:9). In each of those roles, Barr points out, women were celebrated by the biblical authors for serving as spiritual leaders in the church.

Barr’s robust historical knowledge shines through as she introduces readers to dozens of female leaders from the early and medieval church periods. Abbesses, deacons, evangelists, and preachers who were appointed and ordained to serve the church in public ministry fill her pages. Through art, inscriptions, and documents, she references presbyters, martyrs, and other female clergy members. The monastic movement produced powerful abbesses and nuns, like Hildegard of Bingen, who went on a pope-sanctioned preaching tour through Europe. Barr’s seeming favorite, an English abbess named Milburga of Mercia, ruled over a “double monastery,” in which monks and nuns lived together.

Barr notes that highlighting prominent women as proof that the church did ordain and authorize them to lead may cause readers to think of those women as extraordinary. And that would be a mistake, as she sees it. “Describing women as extraordinary is often a subtle way of reinforcing patriarchy,” she writes. If Old Testament judges like Deborah, New Testament teachers like Priscilla, or medieval leaders like Hildegard led God’s people due to extraordinary circumstances, then male rule remains normative.

No, Barr asserts, these women were not outliers; rather, the female leaders of the church’s first millennium were ordinary women called by God to serve his people through leadership. And that’s what makes them such powerful inspirations today. If God called regular women to lead in the past, why would he not do so now?

Ordination, of course, remains one of the sticking points for churches that limit women’s participation in leadership. But Barr offers helpful context: “For the first thousand years of Western church history, ordination tied a particular function (think pastoring) to a particular office (bishop, priest, deacon, abbess, etc.). While ordination could include administering the sacrament, it didn’t have to.”

But around 1100, church leaders modified the definition of ordination, connecting it more directly with sacred authority, including the ability to preside over the sacraments. Within another 200 years, the path to priesthood had become limited to ordained men.

After the Protestant Reformation, pastors abandoned Catholic sacramental practices but retained the hierarchical structure of all-male spiritual authority. Ordination remained a confirmation of God’s call upon men, because only men, it was argued, could have spiritual authority. Protestant women were left with little more than marriage as a means to spiritual influence.

When Protestant pastors began marrying, the role of pastor’s wife was born. Early on, these pastor couples modeled a variety of approaches. Some former nuns married former monks, both using their theological training to minister together (think Martin Luther and Katharina von Bora). Some wives continued their work independent of their husbands’ pastoral careers. It took centuries for the “traditional” pastor’s wife model to become the norm. And ordination, having been redefined from its original meaning, remained out of reach for most women.


Readers from faith traditions outside the SBC may be tempted to view Barr’s emphasis on SBC personalities, theology, and controversies as a mere family squabble. But the extensive reach of Southern Baptist ecclesiology and theology tends to leave an imprint upon the entire evangelical movement. When SBC leaders declare that women have never preached, taught, or led in their churches, other groups take that message to heart, concluding that it’s not biblical for women to hold spiritual authority.

But Barr’s research extends beyond the precedents set by early and medieval churches. In fact, she uncovers evidence within the SBC’s own archives that contradicts the denomination’s claims. It hasn’t always been this way, the records show.

Barr introduces readers to ordained women, female missionaries who pastored churches abroad, and female professors hired to teach the Bible at Baptist seminaries. She tells of women seeking ordination who were encouraged to find pastors to marry. We learn that women were affirmed at the Southern Baptists’ 1983 convention for their “labor for the Lord and the churches in places of special service to which God has called them.” Only one year later, Barr noted, the convention declared that God barred women from pastoral leadership “to preserve a submission God requires because the man was first in creation and the woman was first in the Edenic fall.” We meet influential wives, married to men in power, who worked to suppress other women from pursuing leadership positions.

We also meet pastor’s wives who paid a high price in a culture that promoted and protected men. The #MeToo movement exposed the SBC’s penchant for protecting pastors accused of sexual abuse. In her latter chapters, Barr lays out a dark story of serial sexual abuse left unchecked and justice denied to victims.

Barr is careful not to condemn the SBC comprehensively. To the contrary, she looks for positive examples of women being respected and honored. And refreshingly, she points to the Black church as a model for encouraging pastors’ wives to pursue their own callings. But Barr is unafraid of telling the hard stories, because the truth is what can set us free.

In the end, Barr tells a fascinating, engaging story of our common faith heritage—which means that Becoming the Pastor’s Wife, despite its title, is hardly a book for women alone. Nor is it just for pastors and their wives. Any evangelical reader can reckon with and profit from its perspective on the church’s past and present.  

Evangelicals of goodwill can reach different conclusions about women and their place in Christian ministry. But intellectual honesty requires acknowledging what actually happened in the past. Church history offers a panoramic view that transcends the narrow scope of any one denominational tradition. And history shines a light on current thoughts and practices, inviting us as believers to examine our prejudices.

Contrary to a common telling of church history, for the past 2,000 years, “pastor” has not always been an office, and “pastoring” has not been the sole purview of men. In case there’s any doubt, Becoming the Pastor’s Wife has produced the historical receipts.

Kelley Mathews earned her Master of Theology degree from Dallas Theological Seminary. A writer, editor, and New Testament doctoral student, she is also coauthor of 40 Questions About Women in Ministry.

Ideas

The Injustice of Inconsistency

Contributor

The problem isn’t that South Africans are coming to America. It’s that the door is closed to Haitians, Burmese, Sudanese, Yemenis, Venezuelans, Ukrainians, and everyone else.

Red doors closed with one green door open.
Christianity Today June 11, 2025
Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty

Early last month, a group of 59 white Afrikaners who were given refugee status by President Donald Trump arrived in America on a chartered flight, paid for by US taxpayers, in what may be the most expeditiously processed refugee cases the United States has ever seen.

That ought to be good news, at least compared to the complicated, drawn-out, arduous process most refugees typically endure. But this particular arrival was hotly contested.

You see, on January 20, 2025, Trump signed Executive Order (EO) 14163, his 17th (of 157, and counting) executive order in his second term as president. This EO suspended the US Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) “until such time as the further entry into the United States of refugees aligns with the interests of the United States.” Eighteen days and 41 executive orders later, he signed EO 14204, granting “admission and resettlement through the United States Refugee Admissions Program, for Afrikaners in South Africa who are victims of unjust racial discrimination.” This is necessary, the order explained, in part because South Africa is “undermining United States foreign policy” and therefore threatening “our interests.”

That was how the Afrikaners came here—and came so quickly and easily. (The average refugee resettlement to the US takes 20 years and almost always involves a long stay in a stopover country—typically in an under-resourced “temporary” camp where people sometimes live for decades with no meaningful work, little education, and few opportunities to meet their most basic needs. It’s also worth noting that, unlike the taxpayer-subsidized flight for the South Africans, refugees from other countries sometimes get travel loans from the United Nations, but they must personally repay those costs.) 

This rapid resettlement of one group of refugees while all other refugee-resettlement programs have been suspended raises a lot of questions. For instance, how was the USRAP resettling new refugees in May if the program was suspended in January? What US interests are Afrikaners able to serve that every other refugee from every other country is apparently unable to help? And what is the moral calculus that ranks the value of an Afrikaner’s life so far above the lives of people from Myanmar or Ukraine or Sudan or Afghanistan or Haiti or Venezuela? 

To be very clear, the problem is not that South Africans were granted refugee status. The problem is that no one else is receiving the same welcome.

Unfortunately, that’s not the issue under wide debate. The administration’s double standard here is so glaring that folks are busy arguing about whether the South Africans are really persecuted enough to merit our sympathy. 

On the right, you have pundits trying to explain that things really are bad in South Africa. And while there’s no denying that the country has a high violent crime rate, the idea that Afrikaners are being targeted is a point of reasonable disagreement.

Meanwhile, on the left, some refugee agencies are refusing to resettle the Afrikaners who were admitted, describing this as an act of conscientious objection. In fact, the Episcopal Church announced that it will end its four-decade refugee-resettlement partnership with the US government over this admission decision

The truth is, when we’re debating whether enough Afrikaners have been murdered to allow them to flee to our country for safety, we’ve lost the moral thread. Again, the problem isn’t that these South Africans were welcomed to America. It’s that only these South Africans were welcomed to America while people in danger of war and persecution in other countries have been categorically locked out. 

But it shouldn’t be surprising that we’re having such a misguided debate. This conversation is the natural result of an administration uninterested in due process, the rule of law, and the blind justice of Lady Liberty. Unjust systems that dispose of even the pretense of equality result in ever-escalating dehumanization. They incentivize selfish ambition instead of care for the least of these—and disregard those who have nothing to offer but their need. After all, in a dog-eat-dog world, you’d better be at the top of the pack. 

At least one recent Afrikaner arrival was willing to make that moral logic plain, even if Americans prefer to ignore it. “I kind of need to, you know, put my oxygen mask on first,” he told The Washington Post, explaining that it wasn’t for him to say whether or not the US refugee process, which had worked to his advantage, should be restored for anyone else.

Our debate is also confused by what is objectively a masterstroke of political rhetoric by the president. Trump campaigned on closing the border to illegal immigration and strengthening border security, goals that enjoy broad support among the American public. But he’s pursued that end partly by collapsing traditional distinctions between different classes of immigrants—asylum seekers, economic migrants, and refugees—to often-cruel effect. When the Trump team speaks, these words are synonyms for each other and for “illegals.” Each term is just a different way of describing people who are stealing your jobs and raping your women and destroying your culture.

And make no mistake: The Biden administration blurred lines and collapsed categories too. Under former president Joe Biden’s watch, people flooded across our southern border and wrongly claimed asylum. The asylum program is supposed to be reserved for a unique class of immigrants subject to persecution in their home countries, but it became an escape hatch for millions seeking a better life—and the Biden administration let it happen instead of seriously pursuing reform. 

Those migrants, many of whom were simply seeking economic opportunity or trying to escape gang violence, are now being demonized by conservatives angry about the border chaos—just as the Afrikaners who got a special dispensation under Trump are being demonized by progressives angry about the unfairness of this exception. In both cases, the problem is not that these people were able to come to America. The problem is the disorder and injustice of the entire system.

I vehemently oppose ending the refugee program for reasons inextricably tied to my faith in Christ. But there is a sort of utilitarian logic to Trump’s initial decision. I’ve heard reasonable arguments for beginning immigration reform with a total shutdown of migrant entries. That kind of hard-line border policy, consistently applied, strikes me as heartbreaking, impractical, and even bad for US interests due to its hits to our soft power and our economy. But it is at least consistent, and consistency is often a hallmark of justice.

As the Afrikaner admissions have made unmistakably clear, consistent reform is not what this administration is doing. If there’s consistency here, I don’t think it’s the consistency of justice. After all, what is it that makes the Afrikaners different from other prospective refugees? Even if the grimmest interpretations of South African crime statistics are true, Afrikaners are not the single-most-persecuted people group on earth.

But they are white, share many Western social and cultural values, and speak English. Put more plainly, they aren’t too foreign, and from the moment they arrive on American soil, they can pass for your average American farmer. Or in the words of a Trump administration official, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, they’re “quality seeds” who will “bloom” in the US.

Obviously we cannot give every needy person in the world refuge, but that’s precisely why the process needs to be transparent and free for all to pursue. 

Are no other people who hope to come to America “quality seeds”? I can think of a few, like Kevenson and Sherlie, the legal Haitian immigrants who live near me in West Texas and are now at risk of deportation. Or Carol Hui, a hardworking waitress who has raised her family in the US for more than 20 years. Or Sofia, the four-year-old whose life was threatened by the deportation notice her family received, because she requires constant specialized medical care. We can’t yet imagine how Sofia might blossom. 

These are all quality seeds because they are all human, all made in God’s image, all people for whom Jesus died. Many of them, including Kevenson and Sherlie and Carol, are Christians too, fellow members of the body of Christ. Why is there not more outcry from the American church on their behalf?

I know the answer, of course. Most of us live seemingly untouched by immigration. The delivery drivers who drop groceries at our doors are almost invisible. And we’re human too, with all the weakness that entails. It’s hard to care very deeply or for very long about problems we don’t experience. We’re busy and distracted and have lots of things to worry about before we get around to questioning the political rhetoric from our own side

While I can explain away our silence in a thousand innocuous ways, none sit well with my soul. And I can’t ignore how it’s perceived by people outside the church. 

Take the example of a writer named Joel Mathis, who argued in a recent essay that politically conservative, white American Christians don’t care about religious liberty protections (including refugee admissions) for people who aren’t like them. “When conservatives talk about ‘religious liberty’ what they often mean is ‘white Christian privilege,’” Mathis charged. “The MAGA right expects the U.S. government to defer to Christian sensibilities, except when those sensibilities work for the protection of brown people.”

I know, I know. We have a million objections to such a reductive assessment—not least that in recent years it seems as if everything and everyone (even algebra!) has been deemed racist at some point by someone on the left. But I think Mathis is being sincere, and though I want to tell him that he’s wrong, I can’t deny the weight of the evidence in his favor. Why only the white Afrikaners?

If Kevenson and Sherlie, whose story I told a few weeks ago at CT, are forced to return to Haiti, they will be prime targets for kidnappers because of their connection to rich American Christians. “If they don’t pay the ransom, they can expect to be covered in plastic bags or tires, which will then be set on fire,” explained my friend, Kim Snelgrooes, who sponsored their emigration to America. Why wouldn’t we welcome them too? Even on a purely utilitarian level, they are adding value—working jobs, paying rent and taxes, delivering services—not draining resources. 

Or consider the Iranian Christians who were deported by the US to Panama earlier this year. They may be sent back to Iran, where they would likely be killed for their conversion to Christianity. Are their lives worth less than mine or yours or the Afrikaners’?

When Christians do not call such injustice by its name, our silence shouts to a culture already suspicious of our faith and ethics—already primed to summon up historical examples of Christians checking our values at the door to public life, justifying injustice or rationalizing compromise.

I can’t undo Trump’s executive orders or stop anyone’s deportation or open America’s gates to refugees from more countries than one. But I think it’s important to speak up anyway, to protest compassion unequally applied. To explain why, let me tell you a story.

In May of 1939, the St. Louis, a German transatlantic liner, sailed from Hamburg to Havana. On board were 937 passengers, almost all Jews whose American visa applications were in process. The plan was to stop over in Cuba until their final approvals were issued. En route, it became clear that Cuba would not admit them. And then they were turned away from America too, denied entry while they were so close to Miami they could see the lights of the city, flickering across the dark sea. They returned to Europe, where 254 of them would die in the Holocaust.

The newspaper article written by Lilian C. Reitan for the German Jewish refugees who were turned away.Illustration by Christianity Today / Source Images: Getty,
The newspaper article written by Lilian C. Reitan for the German Jewish refugees who were denied entry in the US.

That same year, far away from the coast and the halls of power lived a Christian woman named Lilian Reitan. She could do nothing about the fate of the Jews aboard the St. Louis, but she spoke about their plight to people she knew and registered her dissent from the US decision to deny them entry in a letter to the editor of her local paper, Iowa’s Des Moines Register.

“We will either help these people or be known for what we really are, calloused, inhuman, un-Christian and un-American,” Reitan said on June 11, 1939. It’s clear that her defense of the Jews was personally costing her, for in the letter she recounted receiving threats as a result of speaking out. 

History doesn’t have much else to say about Reitan, and I suppose it could be said that her letter didn’t matter much. The Jews still were sent back to Europe to their deaths. 

But 86 years later to the day, her words stand out to me like a pinprick of light in a sea of darkness. She was among the Christians who vocally opposed the fearful, cold-hearted, and spineless decision that sent hundreds of Jews away to die. Reitan’s words are an Ebenezer to me: a wilderness signpost reminding me that God’s empowering faithfulness can help us discern the narrow way (Matt. 7:13) in a world gone mad (2 Tim. 3). The Spirit can give us the courage to speak up for and in his character and truth (2 Tim. 1:7).

As both a follower of Jesus and citizen of America, Reitan exemplified this courage. She could not have expected to change the world with her letter, yet she still felt a duty not to be silent before such rank injusticeHer dual care for the lives of the Jews in danger and the soul of her country reminds me of the prophet Isaiah’s explanation of his hard preaching to his people: “Because I love Zion, I will not keep still. Because my heart yearns for Jerusalem, I cannot remain silent. I will not stop praying for her until her righteousness shines like the dawn, and her salvation blazes like a burning torch” (62:1, NLT).

On the anniversary of her letter, I pray we carry her legacy forward. The course of history may appear to be unchanged, and innocent people—maybe even we ourselves—may be chewed up by the ungodly machines of injustice. But as one Bible paraphrase says, “Men and women who have lived wisely and well will shine brilliantly, like the cloudless, star-strewn night skies. And those who put others on the right path to life will glow like stars forever” (Dan. 12:3, MSG). That’s the example left by Lilian Reitan, and that’s what we followers of Jesus must do now for future generations.

“This is the way; walk in it,” God says to us when we are unsure where to turn (Isa. 30:21). Even if the world walks one way, we can choose to go another. Even if it seems to matter very little, we can raise our voices anyway. Even if everyone around us is falling in line to an earthly ruler, we can bow only to the King of Kings

Carrie McKean is a West Texas–based writer whose work has appeared in The New York TimesThe Atlantic, and Texas Monthly magazine. Find her at carriemckean.com.

News

Tablets Replace Textbooks in Kenya’s Village Schools

Nonprofits and a Christian university are bringing new technology to the country’s remotest areas.

A school in Kenya using tablets in the classroom.
Christianity Today June 11, 2025
Simon Maina / Stringer / Getty

Twelve-year-old Rita Lesina treks more than 1.5 miles every morning over a dusty, rugged road in Laikipia County, Kenya. The crunch of dry murram road underfoot and the occasional bird chirp break the silence of her 30-minute walk as she weaves between acacia thorns and dried riverbeds. There are no tarmac roads and no power lines.

When Rita arrives at Enai Kishomi Primary School in Timau, she adjusts the strap of her worn backpack and brushes brown dust off her uniform before taking her seat. Her hands hover slightly over the desk, not fidgeting, just ready to receive a tablet.

Before second grade, Rita had never seen a computer. But everything changed when digital learning came to her rural public school.

“The first day I saw one, I was shocked,” she said.

Enai Kishomi and a few neighboring schools have become technological oases in a tech desert. They use tablets—locally called “Specktrons”—loaded with lessons, videos, animations, and real-time quizzes. Lewa Wildlife Conservancy helps fund the initiative.

In 2020, fewer than half of Kenya’s schools had internet access. One in four primary schools had working internet connections. Only 67 percent of Kenyan children ages 12 to 17 had internet access in 2022. In contrast, the US National Center for Education Statistics reported that 97 percent of American students ages 3 to 18 had internet access at home in 2021. Enai Kishomi is the only school near Rita that has internet.

The digital gap remains wide, but Specktrons are helping change that.

Last week, Rita’s science class explored the human circulatory system, but not with textbooks. Her head teacher, Mathew Munyi, showed the students a 3D animation of blood flowing through the heart. With a tap of his finger, Munyi projected the content onto the classroom’s digital board.

“Now imagine this heart belongs to you,” he said.

According to Munyi, teachers undergo rigorous training to adapt to the technology. Teachers have to be ready to respond to glitches in the classroom.

“Teaching digitally demands more,” Munyi said. “If your system crashes or your content isn’t ready, the lesson dies.”

Digital learning takes more than just tablets—schools may also need a projector or smart board, solar-power units, and teacher training. A full technology setup can cost around $15,000 USD. One company sells classroom kits with 40 tablets and a Wi-Fi device for $5,000 USD. Solar batteries and car-battery backups supply the power to charge the tablets in areas the national electric grid hasn’t reached. However, the real challenge lies in maintaining the devices.

“When a tablet breaks, it can take weeks to fix,” Munyi said. “Donors often fund the initial equipment but rarely the repairs, and so parents are asked to contribute toward maintenance, which many can’t afford.”

Harsh rural conditions—dusty air and high heat—often cause malfunctions in the fragile technology, especially when schools lack proper storage. Schools rarely have technical support staff, so teachers are left troubleshooting devices during valuable class time.

Christian churches and nonprofits are slowly beginning to step in to help with the tech transformation. In 2022, Kenya Methodist University launched a Christian educational-technology outreach targeting rural Methodist-run schools. Some Christian nonprofits have begun handing out smart boards and virtual reality goggles to church-run schools. Still, most efforts focus on food, health, or general education, not technology.

While debates rage in the US about digital distractions in the classroom and shrinking attention spans, Kenyan teachers look to technology as a lifeline. According to Lewa Wildlife Conservancy’s director of education, Purity Kinoti, the main concern in Kenya is access, not excess.

“Digital skills have been identified by researchers as one of the most important skills that every school leaver will need to thrive in the job market,” Kinoti said.

Still, the Specktrons come with precautions. Supervisory access to the tablets allows teachers to keep the lessons moving and students on task. Parental control settings on the devices help limit the kind of content students can access. As internet access becomes more available to children, government regulations are kicking in too. In April, the Communications Authority of Kenya released new guidelines for protecting children online.

For now, Specktrons are helping Rita and her rural Kenyan classmates reach for some of the same goals that students in Nairobi (the capital) or New York are aiming for. Rita told CT her dreams don’t end with sixth grade. She wants to be a pilot.

And a few taps on a tablet can show her exactly what a cockpit looks like.

News

Michael Tait Says Drug, Assault Allegations Are ‘Largely True’

The former Newsboys frontman confessed he was living “two distinctly different lives” while leading the iconic Christian band.

Michael Tait performing with the Newsboys
Christianity Today June 10, 2025
Emmanuele Ciancaglini/NurPhoto via Getty Images

Former Newsboys frontman Michael Tait confessed Tuesday to abusing drugs and alcohol and touching men “in an unwanted sensual way.” 

The statement comes days after multiple men came forward with allegations that Tait sexually assaulted them while touring with the chart-topping Christian band. Tait said he would dispute some of the details reported by The Roys Report on June 4, but the accusations—which include accounts of cocaine, nudity, and sexual assault—“are largely true.”

“I am ashamed of my life choices and actions, and make no excuse for them,” Tait wrote in a statement posted on Instagram. “I will simply call it what God calls it—sin.”

Tait, 59, has been a mainstay of contemporary Christian music (CCM) since the 1980s, when he began DC Talk with his Liberty University classmates Kevin Max and TobyMac. The rap-rock trio took the No. 1 spot on the Billboard CCM charts with their third album, Free at Last, and held onto it for 34 weeks. The group’s next album, Jesus Freak, is considered a landmark of popular Christian music and evangelical youth culture in the 1990s.

DC Talk went on hiatus in the early 2000s, and Tait joined Newsboys as the lead singer in 2009. With him in front, the group’s 2010 album Born Again landed at No. 4 on the Billboard 200 list, and the 2011 follow-up, God’s Not Dead, hit No. 1 on the Billboard Christian Album chart, going on to sell 500,000 copies. 

The Newsboys also appeared in the 2014 film by the same name, and then God’s Not Dead 2 and God’s Not Dead: A Light in Darkness, becoming closely associated with the franchise of conservative culture-war dramas. 

“It’s not an exaggeration to say that for many evangelical teens who came of age in the nineties, the Newsboys were a core part of their evangelical Christian experience,” historian Leah Payne, the author of God Gave Rock and Roll to You, told The Roys Report. “They re-formed in some ways as an ongoing supergroup. … that sort of gives voice to American conservatism.”

At the same time, Tait now admits, he had a secret life.

“For years I have lied and deceived my family, friends, fans, and even misled my bandmates about aspects of my life,” he wrote. “I was, for the most part, living two distinctly different lives. I was not the same person on stage Sunday night that I was at home on Monday.”

Tait unexpectedly left the Newsboys in January 2025, offering a vague explanation. The group was in the midst of planning its Worldwide Revival Tour.

In early June, three young men came forward with accounts of sexual assault. The Roys Report did not release their names, in keeping with a policy of protecting the identities of abuse victims.

One of the men said he met Tait at a concert in 2004 and was invited to Tait’s home in Nashville. He went and then returned in 2005. The man, who was 22 at the time, told The Roys Report it was “just a bunch of bros drinking and playing darts and just being silly,” but that turned into skinny-dipping, and then a hot tub, and then a back massage in bed. The man claimed that Tait touched his butt and put his fingers “in his anal region,” according to The Roys Report, before he spoke up and stopped the encounter.

A second man, also 22, was part of a band touring with the Newsboys in 2010. He considered Tait his idol, he told The Roys Report, and was eager to accept overtures of friendship from the older star. 

“We went to a movie. He picked me up, and then we would usually just play darts at this bar,” he recalled.

One night at Tait’s home, he said, he drank too much, threw up, and fell asleep on the couch. He claims he woke up to find Tait kissing him on the mouth and touching his genitals.

The man said that he kept the incident secret at the time, for fear it would negatively impact his opportunities in CCM.

“I very much did not want to be excommunicated,” he said.

A third 22-year-old worked as a member of the crew in 2014. He told The Roys Report that the tour involved a lot of drinking.

“There were probably a couple days we missed, but there was pretty much always, like, a bottle of wine or some vodka. We always had cranberry vodka,” he said.

As the man recalled, he’d been drinking too much one night when Tait approached him and offered him cocaine. He went to sleep instead, only to wake up with Tait on top of him, the man claimed, rubbing his penis through his jeans.

“I just felt bad for him in that moment,” the man said. “Looking back … that was a sexual assault.”

The newest member of the Newsboys admitted on social media that there were rumors about Tait. Singer Adam Agee said the band was never able to confirm any allegations against him, however.

“Each time something came up we tried to find the source,” said Agee, who joined the Newsboys in 2023, “and no one would tell us anything.”

In an official statement released on June 5, the four remaining band members said their hearts were shattered, denied any knowledge of wrongdoing, and said they do not condone any form of sexual assault. 

A lawyer for the Newsboys said the organization was aware of an “unsubstantiated aspersions cast via internet” but warned The Roys Report against publishing anything that implied the ownership or management of the band had any knowledge of “the things you allege.”

Though Tait is no longer with the band, the allegations prompted K-Love, the largest Christian radio network in the US with more than 400 stations, to stop playing the Newsboys and DC Talk on June 9, at least temporarily.

The following day, Tait published his confession. He said that when he resigned from the band in January, he went to a treatment center in Utah and is now six weeks sober.

“To the extent my sinful behavior has caused anyone to lose respect or faith or trust in me, I understand,” Tait wrote. “But it crushes me to think that someone would lose or choose not to pursue faith or trust in Jesus because I have been a horrible representative for him.”

Tait said he’s been praying the words of Psalm 51, which says, “I know my transgressions, and my sin is always before me. … Create in me a pure heart, O God, and renew a steadfast spirit within me.”

Ideas

A Christian Mind out of Practice

For too many of us, faith is a private affair that exists largely in our own thoughts—yet those thoughts are not particularly deep.

A man shaping a mind
Christianity Today June 10, 2025
Illustration by Sergey Isakov

I spent the last year working on a book about Christians, American politics, and the challenges of faithful and nuanced Christian engagement that are unique to this moment. But as I wrote, I came to think those challenges are rooted in a larger problem for American evangelicalism that extends well beyond politics: a Christian mind out of practice. 

The brain is not literally muscle, but our minds work as if it were. There is no switch to be turned on and off when quandaries present themselves. We must always exercise our minds, or else they atrophy.

And the American evangelical mind is not in good shape. For too many of us, faith is a private affair that exists largely in our own thoughts—yet those thoughts are not particularly deep. As Mark Noll famously charged three decades ago in The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind, too many American evangelicals have little appetite for exploring with rigor our historic faith or the world around us.

We seem to come by this tendency honestly: Taking from the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil is what got humanity cast from the Garden (Gen. 3). In the Gospels, Jesus’ antagonists are often the learned religious and political elite. “Have any of the rulers or of the Pharisees believed in him?” religious leaders scoff. “No!” (John 7:48–49). And Jesus himself praised a childlike faith (Matt. 18:3).

But faith does not require anti-intellectualism, and indeed anti-intellectualism is a perilous situation for our faith, especially in an era as cloudy and complex as our own. We are living in a time when divisions run deep and dangerous and distraction crowds out serious thought and engagement. As theologian John Stott once quipped, the Devil is “the enemy of all common sense, moderation and balance.” Christian confusion adds to our country’s social and political chaos and distorts the truth; cultivating a weak and disordered evangelical mind is a profitable endeavor for Old Scratch. 

My childhood in the conservative evangelical church of the 1980s was defined by focus on the personal pursuit of an individual relationship with Jesus. After accepting Christ into my heart, I understood the primary activities of the Christian life to be sharing the Good News with others so they could be saved from hell and fixing my own hope on the afterlife. The heaven I expected then was ethereal, a cloud- and harp-filled existence with little familiarity or continuity to life on earth. I tried to look forward to it, but that required the most advanced of mental leaps to make “the things of earth … grow strangely dim,” as that old hymn goes. 

This (rightful) emphasis on saving souls and (unfortunate) picture of a disembodied heaven left me—and, I think, many other American evangelicals—with a diminished version of Christian life. It encouraged private discipline but discouraged us from better stewarding a fallen creation (Matt. 25:31–46; Eph. 2:10; James 2:14–26). It cast works, no matter how biblical, as a hangover from Catholicism or else a misguided swerve into the liberal social gospel—something that might sully and distract. Private, spiritualized faith was sufficient in this model, and living a middle-class life in the land of the American dream with a historic period of peace and bipartisanship in the late 20th century made it easy to maintain that illusion.

That idea of Christianity as a one-time, soul-saving decision inadvertently deceived us. We came to think—or, at least, to act on the assumption—that our minds, having been redeemed in Christ, would be able to see all kinds of things clearly without really having to try. 

We wouldn’t apply this logic to our bodies, of course: No one thinks that in becoming Christians we immediately sprout bigger muscles and inherently enjoy good health. But we sometimes do, in hubris, behave as if becoming Christians flips a switch in our brains, ignoring all the Bible says about growing in wisdom and understanding (Prov. 2:1–4; Luke 2:52; James 1:5; Heb. 5:12–14). We rely too much on our own thoughts, imagining they can be trusted without testing because we have a Counselor (John 14:26).

This kind of naive hubris—this intellectualized anti-intellectualism—is not inherent to Christianity. In fact, it’s a significant deviation from much of church history. There is a great tradition of applied wisdom in our faith, a tradition of carefully seeking the Creator and humbly accepting his invitation to study and steward his creation. Sociologist Rodney Stark—and, more recently, historian Tom Holland—has argued that it was Christian pursuit of truth that helped to birth the scientific method. Christian intellectual curiosity developed as an act of humility and submission to God, grounded in the belief that the whole universe was marked with his fingerprints. 

Functioning rightly, that curiosity is always paired with a distinctly Christian understanding of the fallenness and dignity of each person. This combination of convictions built much of the society and government we have in the US today. Modern democratic governance, abolition, universal education, the introduction of hospitals: All this and more flowed from the people of God actively seeking understanding and taking action in the world for its flourishing. That is, they flowed from the opposite of intellectualized anti-intellectualism.

Today we must recover that older, better model. The mind needs the body, just as the body needs the mind, and I believe the recovery of the Christian mind must start with the church, the body of Christ. 

By “the church” I mean both the global church, united across eras, borders, and denominations, and the local congregation. Learning from other Christians, past and present, helps us wrestle past our assumptions and toward the truth. And the local church is a place of embodied community. The Christian mind cannot grow alone or on the empty calories of screen time. We are meant to be in community, to worship together, to encourage and exhort one another in faith and works.

A recovered evangelical mind—one infused with humility, curiosity, and love for Christ and his creation—has much to offer our confused and divided society. Christians should be, of all people, the most aware of the most insidious characteristic sins of our culture: consumerism, constant distraction, alienation, hidden exploitations. We should be committed to a biblical perspective on political and ethical issues even when it requires us to cross party lines. (And as the late theologian Tim Keller pointed out, it surely does.) We should be champions of science and fact over superstition and convenience, reliably careful and thoughtful with the information we receive and share, “as shrewd as snakes and as innocent as doves” (Matt. 10:16).

This is not a call to read a few more books in a community group—though that’s not a bad idea—any more than we can improve physical health by eating a salad or two. It’s rather about exercising our minds in allthings to become more Christlike, not for our own sake but to better love others and steward Christ’s creation. The goal, as Noll wrote 30 years ago, is “to exercise the mind for Christ,” “to think like a Christian about the nature and workings of the physical world, the character of human social structures like government and the economy, the meaning of the past, the nature of artistic creation, and the circumstances attending our perception of the world outside ourselves.”

This all takes time and discipline and practice, and it brings no guarantee of clarity for our most difficult problems, let alone a cultural or political turnaround. But deeply thoughtful Christians could be a healing salve for our divisive, angry, and anxious time. 

I believe that, in some mysterious way, the deposits of Christian thoughtfulness into the created order are not lost. They are part of the construction of a cathedral we may not live to see, part of our apprenticeship in a work yet unrecognized, part of the establishment of a future kingdom. And sometimes, as history has shown, the world responds to the work of the well-trained Christian mind.

Abby M. McCloskey is an economist, columnist, and podcast host and has directed policy on multiple presidential campaigns. She directs the Convergence Collaborative on Supports for Working Families.

Books
Review

Just Say No to Online Church

Michael Huerter’s The Hybrid Congregation is an earnest effort to enrich our worship. It is also naive, superficial, incurious, and wrong.

A remote on a cancel sign
Christianity Today June 10, 2025
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch Tlapek / Source Images: Getty

“Nein!”

This was the title of an essay published 91 years ago by the Swiss Reformed theologian Karl Barth. It has a claim to being the most infamous and briefest theological rejoinder in church history. With his roar of No! Barth drew a line in the sand. He declared, with clarity and force, that theology not grounded in the Word of God must be viewed with grave suspicion—even presumed guilty.

In the decades since, Barth’s one-word rejection has been loathed, celebrated, imitated, and misunderstood. One lesson of his stern example is well summarized by another theologian, the late John Webster. Writing about biblical interpretation, Webster observed that “conflict … is not abnormal or necessarily destructive in the Christian community, but may prove a way in which Gods keeps the church in the truth.” Theological disagreement is not to be avoided at all costs. Sometimes we must state our differences plainly and entrust ourselves to the Spirit.

Michael Huerter’s new book, The Hybrid Congregation: A Practical Theology of Worship for an Online Era, is just such an opportunity for dispute. I admit I am inclined to follow Barth’s lead by limiting my response to a single word: Nein! Why? Because I believe the book’s proposals to be not only misguided but also hazardous. Their widespread acceptance and implementation would hamper and distort the mission and worship of the church. I hope, therefore, that the book’s recommendations will not find a hearing—that pastors will be inoculated against its arguments.

Stanley Hauerwas likes to pronounce blessing on heretics “because without them we would not know what we believe.” Huerter is no heretic; the problems with his book are not doctrinal but practical, liturgical, and technological. As a pastor and worship leader, he clearly loves God’s people and wants to enrich their praise of God in music and song. 

I honor that desire by taking seriously what he has written. What I write in reply I offer in the spirit of fraternal critique. It is possible for Christians to disagree in public—even online—without rancor or malice. At least, I hope so.

The case for hybrid worship

The Hybrid Congregation is written for the world after COVID-19. It takes confusions prompted by the pandemic along with lessons learned from it and tries to synthesize these for churches navigating community and worship in a digital age.

“Church online is here to stay,” Huerter writes. He contends that the question is not whether church leaders should accept hybrid worship but how they can approach its challenges: “What does the church need to understand about digitally mediated interactions—their history, embodied impact, and effective use—in order for individual communities and ministers to make well-informed, effective, and contextually appropriate decisions in their ministry?”

Two worries underlie his answers to this question:

To the extent that we do not engage thoughtfully and intentionally with online and hybrid practices, we may miss opportunities for meaningful ministry or engage in practices that are ineffective or have negative impact. In a world that operates on networks of digitally mediated relationships that begin online and then find expression in physical space, a local church without an online presence appropriate to its surrounding community may find it impossible to connect with that community in a mutually positive relationship.

These sentences are so generic as to be misleading. The language is modest, the tone earnest, the suggestions seemingly anodyne. A church with an updated website and online ways for people to connect with ministries or contact pastors might fit the bill. Later, however, Huerter clarifies his position by writing that “digital engagement … is a part of our holistic discipleship. Removing digital realities from our faith is in fact an amputation of an important part of our cultural experience from our life together with each other and with God.”

In other words, non-hybrid church is a failure of ministry. It’s lopping off limbs from the body of Christ.

Huerter’s stated goal is to map “a middle way,” trading on the assumption that a “balance” between two purported extremes is always desirable. The heart of the book is a pair of chapters that consider four binaries pervading popular discussion of digital technology and Christian worship: active versus passive, embodied versus disembodied, mediated versus unmediated, and virtual versus real. Because our “lives are hybrid—online and offline—our ministry must reflect this,” Huerter says. And if recent digital “inventions are neither perfect nor depraved,” it follows that “we must seek spiritual discernment, not reactionary thinking.” 

Huerter sets the stage for these core chapters with a potted history of media disruption and the rise of the internet, and he follows them with reflections on hybridity, church music, and “online ritual communities.” These communities are neither Christian nor religious—think viewers of video game livestreams or avid followers of the Harry Potter and the Sacred Text podcast. Huerter believes pastors responsible for public worship have much to learn from passionate online fandoms. At this point the pragmatic replaces the theological entirely. If it “works,” then it is self-recommending. (More on this below.)

Two bright spots in an otherwise muddled book are Huerter’s discussions of passivity and mediation. Defining passivity broadly to encompass acts of delegation, representation, and receptivity, Huerter is right that prioritizing activity over passivity in worship is neither theologically traditional nor philosophically sustainable.

Everything we do is a mix of active and passive, push and pull, give and take: We speak and listen, attack and defend, offer gifts and receive them. This is true of worship too. The pastor calls and the people respond. The leader prays and the people say amen. The priest consecrates and the people dine. This is the historic shape of Christian worship from the beginning. To indict online church with the simple charge of passivity is too easy. The charge doesn’t stick. 

Likewise, Huerter is correct that mediation is not a drag on worship but is its nerve center. The gospel does not proclaim an unmediated relationship with God. It proclaims instead the “one mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus” (1 Tim 2:5, RSV). The Good News is not freedom from mediators but mediation that is faithful, reliable, and true.

As Christ’s own body and the temple of his Spirit, the church itself plays a mediating role in the economy of grace, above all in the liturgy of Word and sacrament. Until the day we glimpse the Lord face-to-face, we will see him—and hear him and taste him—in the worship and mysteries of the church, as “through a glass, darkly” (1 Cor 13:12, KJV). 

In this life, then, desiring total spiritual immediacy is a blind alley, a dead end, even a temptation. Huerter is right to critique evangelical worship practices that carefully curate experiences while affecting spontaneity, and he’s right that mediation in Christ is good and God-ordained. But Huerter goes further, claiming that God’s presence is “mediated through the internet.” Is he right about that?

The case against hybrid worship

The first problem with The Hybrid Congregation is its method, which Huerter holds up as a model for ministers. About this I will not mince words: The way Huerter arrives at his conclusions is by turns naive, superficial, incurious, and uncritical.

The book is an exercise in “practical theology.” One of the hallmarks of this academic style is an emphasis on interdisciplinarity, subjective experience, spiritual practices, and the authority of credentialed experts. Because practical theologians want to analyze ordinary Christian life through a theological lens, they are fond of ethnography, which typically involves embedding oneself in a particular community, observing its rhythms, and offering a thick description of its inner culture.

A method common to sociology and anthropology, ethnography always risks mistaking an is for an ought. This is precisely where Huerter falters. Time and time again, he offers description passing as prescription—as though the mere fact that someone does X or thinks Y means that X or Y must be good or inevitable and thus accepted, permitted, or encouraged. The book assumes what it never demonstrates.

For instance, Huerter writes that “it is no longer possible … to draw a firm dividing line between online and offline.” Who says? Or “digital media do not carry more inherent potential for evil, or less for good, than a church building, a pew, or a book.” Really? Show me the evidence. Or recall quotes I excerpted above, such that online church “is here to stay” or that digital devices are not “depraved.” certainly think they’re depraved, and none of us knows the future of online church. 

Claims this big require more than assertion. This is the next problem: The Hybrid Congregation is not an exploration but a conclusion in search of an argument. We cannot know whether digital inventions are depraved or whether a balance between extremes is desirable until we’ve conducted a genuine inquiry, and the inquiry is not genuine if we decide in advance that the answer cannot possibly be no. For Huerter, ruling out the value of digital church was never an option.

When he does reach for evidence, Huerter relies on interviews with “experts” as a kind of final word on the questions he’s addressing. The experts in question—eight in total—are scholars, pastors, and researchers who, to a person, are utterly sold on “digital religion” and online expressions of worship. Huerter does not subject any claims from these interviewees to even a semblance of critical examination. The assertions simply lie on the page, uncontested, the oracles of experts who know better, putting Luddites and know-nothings to shame.

Consider DJ Soto, who “is a member of the governing board of Metaverse Church and serves as bishop of Virtual Reality Church and MMO Church” (the initialism stands for “massively multiplayer online”). Here are some of Soto’s thoughts, all of which appear verbatim in the book, though not in this continuous fashion: 

In five to ten years, the future of the church will be the metaverse.

Whether it’s a Sunday morning, one-hour event, [or] a Bible study, it’s all going to be based out of your centralized metaverse.

For people who are homebound, this metaverse thing is the answer. It is the solution for them.

It’s the first time in history where we’re having these face-to-face interactions, avatar to avatar, in these immersive worlds.

We haven’t done this, but we’re going to very soon, let’s say there’s a worship song about heaven and then the ground beneath you turns into clouds. Light starts forming all around you.

The younger generation gets it, the younger thinkers get it. They were birthed in Minecraft servers and Fortnite interactions and V-bucks. … The next gen of church planters are going to go crazy once they get into it, because they’re not hesitant. They’re not reluctant. There [are] no theological qualms for them.

In the last line, we are meant to understand the lack of theological caution as a virtue. Huerter does not challenge this view—and he might have been able to get away with it had he written this book one or two decades ago. As it is, the great incongruity of The Hybrid Congregation is its timing: The culture’s once-sunny optimism about the social internet is well past its sell-by date. To say it has curdled would be an understatement. 

Here is another problem. Digital devices haven’t become “invisible,” something we never think of or worry about, as Huerter describes them. On the contrary, tech is a subject of constant consternation. States are passing laws getting phones out of schools. Moms are appealing to Congress to protect children from Silicon Valley. Prestigious secular scholars are writing bestsellers about digital dangers. And yet Huerter’s book includes a single tech-skeptical citation, a brief reference to New York Times column by Tish Harrison Warren presented as a foil and summarily dismissed.

The result of this method and its ill-timed question begging is a straw man so thin it collapses at a touch. Huerter dismisses those who disagree with him as uninformed. Their “bias” needs to be “better informed” through “intentional reflection” and “discernment” to arrive at “nuance.” I’ll pass. Some of us are plenty well-read on the subject, and everything we’ve learned has only strengthened our tech skepticism, not softened it.

Technologists love to write in the future tense, as the quotes from DJ Soto exemplify. They have visited the future and returned to tell us what is to come. Instead of trembling before visions of a digitized future, however, we should remember the promise of Moses: “When a prophet speaks in the name of the Lord, if the word does not come to pass or come true, that is a word which the Lord has not spoken; the prophet has spoken it presumptuously, you need not be afraid of him” (Deut. 18:22, RSV).

Sacraments, embodiment, and reality

One oddity of the book is Huerter’s consistently equivocal use of terms like worshipministry, and church. What he often means by these words is music—which makes sense since he is himself a musician and worship leader. At times Huerter turns his attention specifically to music, but elsewhere it’s clear he has music in mind even when his language would suggest he’s referring to the whole of Christian life, community, and worship. This also makes sense if, in one’s liturgical imagination, music is the essence or main event of public worship.

As I read, though, something nagged at me about this, and I finally realized what it was: the sacraments. In a book about Christian worship, the Lord’s Supper and baptism barely appear. This is an astonishing omission in a book full of them.

The historic pattern of the church’s liturgy finds its summit in the Eucharist. Granted, not every church follows this pattern today, but no believer would deny the importance of the Supper to Christian worship. The Lord instituted it mere hours before his death. All Christians recognize that Word and sacrament go hand in hand. And though it is possible to hear the Word online, no one can receive Communion or be baptized through a screen. 

To put it plainly, we need our bodies to feast at the Lord’s Table. And at a minimum, baptism requires water and two human bodies. When Jesus said, “Where two or three are gathered in my name, there am I among them” (Matt 18:20, ESV), he did not mean online.

Sacraments are physical rituals, and their stubborn materiality points to other basic human actions that cannot be digitally mediated. The Supper is a literal meal, as we’ve seen. And Scripture teaches that baptism unites you to Christ with an intimacy so profound that the only human analogy is the one-flesh union of husband and wife (1 Cor. 6:15–20; Eph. 5:25–33). In a word, just as baptism and the Eucharist are impossible over the internet, so are eating and sex. These are also conspicuous in their absence from The Hybrid Congregation, and with good reason: They undermine the very notion of “online church,” “digital being,” and “metaverse worship.”

Matters get even worse when Huerter speaks of “face-to-face encounters” in virtual reality. He’s not talking about a video call. He’s talking about digital avatars, animations and emojis with vaguely human characteristics. His rationale is that the “face of the other” cannot be reduced to “a physical experience.” Perhaps not, but the human face has here been euphemized into mere metaphor. Lost is the actual face of another person.

Huerter insists this strikes us as amiss only because we continue to pit embodiment against disembodiment, the former being “real” and the latter “virtual.” He’s technically correct that interacting with digital surfaces, even signing on to the metaverse, remains embodied inasmuch as living human beings are embodied in all that we do. But this is a strange argument to make; it justifies far too little or far too much. Injecting my veins with heroin is embodied, but that doesn’t make it good for me. So is living 24 hours a day in a pleasure pod that manipulates my brain into experiencing continuous conscious pleasure. Here, then, is another straw man. 

Consider the steel man instead: The screens of our digital devices are, by design, instruments of distraction, sedation, and enfeeblement. They are bright, colorful, and eye-catching, but ultimately they numb and exhaust human vitality. They draw us away from human faces, etched by the hand of God, the better to mesmerize us with superficial pleasures and mindless beguilements. The more we use them, the less we are able to pray. The more they capture our attention, the less we glory in the splendor of God’s creation. The more they deaden our senses, the less alive we are to the gift of existence and the wonders of reality.

And yes, I said reality. This is a precious word, and Christians would be wise to protect it. In his 1992 novel Snow Crash, where he coined the word metaverse, Neal Stephenson never fails to distinguish between the digital world and the real world. He even gives the latter a capital R: “the real world—planet Earth, Reality.” It turns out this binary isn’t a bad one. It’s crucial to human dignity and to living well as creatures, even in a digital age. 

We Christians may live hybrid lives, but Huerter is wrong to want worship to be hybrid. Keep it analog, keep it bodily, keep it physical and difficult and full of friction. Say no to metaverse church. Say yes to the body of Christ.

Brad East is an associate professor of theology at Abilene Christian University. He is the author of four books, including The Church: A Guide to the People of God and Letters to a Future Saint.

Ideas

Let Your Sons Grow Up to Be Heroes

Boys need worthy role models, but we’ve debunked the very concept of heroism. It’s taking a toll.

A boy wearing a red hero cape that is glitching and pixelated.
Christianity Today June 10, 2025
Illustration by Elizabeth Kaye / Source Images: Getty

It is becoming increasingly apparent that boys are not thriving in today’s America. “It’s not just a feeling,” as journalist Claire Cain Miller recently reported at The New York Times: “Data shows boys and young men are falling behind.” 

Wishing to move beyond diagnosis to constructive responses, Miller invited readers in the comments section to suggest solutions. Here’s one: Boys need heroes. Many boys and men have something inside them that longs to be a hero, and that worthy instinct needs to be affirmed and channeled. It is a godly desire that we should meet by introducing boys to worthy role models, to stories of heroism. 

Unfortunately, it often seems as if our culture is doing its best to strangle and suppress that honorable instinct. For some decades now, we’ve had a strong emphasis on debunking the erstwhile heroes of the past. 

Granted, such reckonings are often valuable and needed. No one can rightly take the measure of Thomas Jefferson without weighing his ownership of enslaved people, and not least his treatment of Sally Hemings and their children. Our very admiration for Jefferson is because he articulated such noble principles—principles these disgraceful and sinful actions belied.

Yet this conversation slid past admitting the flaws in people who have been called heroes to sneering at the very category. This attitude has been reinforced by what C. S. Lewis called “chronological snobbery”: Because issues often resolve and clarify themselves over time, we smugly condemn everyone in the past for not thinking and behaving as we do. We fail to consider that we might have done no better if we had lived in another time. And we also fail to remind ourselves that we no doubt have blind spots that people in the future will find shocking and inexcusable. Would we deem it fair and right if our descendants saw nothing good or admirable in us or anyone else from our time?

These trends have taken a toll on boys. If we’re unwilling to identify any specific people in the past to declare they lived admirable lives, our children may reasonably conclude that they should despair of the possibility of living an admirable life. Discarding heroes finally leads to giving up on heroism.

The Bible is quite willing to extol heroes. Hebrews 11 recounts by name a whole series of heroes of the faith. Some of those people did highly lamentable and sinful things, but we honor them, as we honor all heroes, not because they did things that deserve condemnation but despite the fact that they did them. We honor these heroes for their courage, fortitude, sacrifice, and above all, faithfulness. The Bible teaches us to value the memory of those who have lived worthy lives: “The name of the righteous is used in blessings, but the name of the wicked will rot” (Prov. 10:7).

Many girls and women, of course, also have something inside them that longs for heroism. But I highlight effects for boys in particular because our culture’s stranglehold on the category of the heroic does not affect the sexes equally.

That stranglehold has one exception: You can still be a hero if you’re a member of a marginalized, oppressed group and achieve something admirable, especially helping that group obtain freedom, rights, and greater respect. Heroes in this category are often worthy of high honor, and the category itself is right and good. Just to name one biblical example, think of Moses: He heroically led the Israelites out of slavery and oppression in Egypt.

Because women have been subjected to unjust legal and social restrictions throughout much of history, this exception means girls still have many heroines on offer. Boys looking for male role models, however, are left with fewer options. Many in our culture even view working for the rights or freedom of other people who (unlike yourself) are marginalized or oppressed with a certain skepticism instead of admiration—it’s taken not as heroism but as having a “messiah complex.”

To put it bluntly, we have created a cultural climate in which the only way to become a hero is to first become a victim. There are many incentives in our culture to imagine oneself as a victim but fewer for imagining oneself as a hero. And boys and men have largely been scripted as victimizers, not victims; oppressors, not liberators; villains rather than heroes. None of these realities are healthy messages for boys to imbibe.

The solution must be to enlarge once again the category of what it means to be a hero. There are many ways to be a hero. Boy need to be told this and encouraged to imagine themselves becoming heroes in ways that fit their temperaments, interests, personalities, and callings. A hero might be a leader (Winston Churchill), or a discoverer (George Washington Carver), or an explorer (John Glenn), or a reconciler (Nelson Mandela), or a dissident (Lech Wałęsa), or a rescuer (Oskar Schindler), or a witness (Jim Elliot), or many more things beside.

Perhaps you would like to argue about the fittingness of identifying some of those people just listed as heroes. That is all healthy and good. Don’t limit yourself, however, to debunking other people’s heroes. Populate the category. Name some heroes. Introduce boys to concrete examples of heroic lives worth living. Let your sons imagine that they can grow up to be heroes.

Timothy Larsen teaches at Wheaton College. His forthcoming book is The Fires of Moloch: Anglican Clergymen in the Furnace of World War One.

Ideas

Theodore Roosevelt’s Jewish Contradiction

The 26th president championed the causes of Jews. And he was antisemitic.

Christianity Today June 9, 2025

When I was trying to assess President Teddy Roosevelt’s views of Jews for my new book, American Maccabee, I realized it would be easy to say that Roosevelt was “a man of his times” and indeed a Christian of his times. But that easy description is not, in fact, a simple one.

America is a nation of contradictions, and perhaps no one better inhabited the national tensions than our 26th president. He was both New York patrician and North Dakota cowboy, trigger-happy colonel and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, boxing-ring brawler and wordsmithing scholar. He felt a genuine affinity for the Jewish people, championed their causes, and earned their gratitude. But at the same time, he was not wholly immune from the antisemitic currents coursing through American history.

If we seek to distill coherence from the conflicted record, we risk ignoring too much historical evidence. We oversimplify. “TR,” as he is commonly known, was in truth a mix of impulses, instincts, and ideas, some of them admirable and others reprehensible. He was complicated—like us.

Roosevelt rose to power in an age when the question of Jewish belonging in America felt urgent. His social circles were dominated by a kind of genteel Judeophobia. It may not have been as crass as the antisemitism of heartland farmers or urban toughs, but it was antisemitic nonetheless. 

Roosevelt fraternized with the likes of Henry Adams, descendant of two presidents and a notorious Jew hater. Adams was delusional about Jewish influence. One person who knew him joked that Adams was paranoid, suspecting that “the Jews are all the press, all the cabinets, all the gods and all weather.” 

That friend wasn’t far off. “We are in the hands of the Jews,” Adams once lamented. “They can do what they please with our values.” 

The esteemed Harvard professor may have been an extreme case in Roosevelt’s circles, but he wasn’t alone in his prejudices. Reactionaries of his ilk bristled at the specter of affluent Jews overtaking their universities, institutions, clubs, summer getaways, and the nation itself. They worried about poor Jews as well, feeling overwhelmed with fear when they witnessed indigent Jewish refugees fleeing Eastern Europe for the golden shores of America.

Moving in these circles, Roosevelt had opportunities to reject the bigotry of his friends. In his 20s, TR threatened to resign from a club because it sought to exclude a Jewish applicant on account of his faith. He also took a friend to task for arguing that Jews in the military were unfit to be officers. Likewise, Roosevelt complained to a literary companion that his latest story included strictly Gentile protagonists. “There ought also to be a Jew among them!” Roosevelt admonished the writer. 

These moments of private candor are revealing. TR had nothing to gain but much to lose from chastising his friends over their bigoted attitudes. 

Then, on the world stage, Roosevelt emerged as an outspoken critic of Jew hatred around the world. It earned him the affection of Jewish voters, who supported him in record numbers.

Yet even Roosevelt was sometimes guilty of assuming the worst about Jews. He occasionally peddled conspiracy theories that Jews were orchestrating global events. As Spain violently suppressed Cuban rebels, TR alleged—falsely and without evidence—that French Jews were enriching themselves off the conflict. 

“The Jew moneylenders in Paris, plus one or two big commercial companies in Spain, are trying to keep up the war,” he told a naval captain. The Jew as war profiteer was an old libel repeated ad nauseam, and TR should have known better.

Similarly, during the First World War, he claimed there was a Jewish conspiracy influencing then-president Woodrow Wilson.  

“All the Jews around him (and there are many of them) are pro-German and pacifist,” Roosevelt griped to a British member of Parliament. It wasn’t true. The old prejudice reared its head. 

The full record includes some ugly personal prejudice as well. When a Jewish reporter conveyed doubts about the sincerity of TR’s intention to step down from the presidency, Roosevelt condemned the journalist as a “circumcised skunk.” Roosevelt also used an ethnic slur when he was mad at a Jew in his own party. The particular term is not only offensive in our day but also regarded as unpublishable in his day. When the bit of correspondence was published in an edited volume, the phrase was delicately changed to “graceless person.” 

This mixed record—sometimes standing up to antisemitic prejudice but sometimes indulging in it himself—is even more complicated by the fact that Roosevelt’s opposition to prejudice and his prejudice against Jews could be fused together. In numerous episodes in his life, his philosemitic and antisemitic instincts appear simultaneously.

Consider one example: When Roosevelt served as New York City police commissioner, he came up with a clever plan to undermine the antisemitism of a hateful rabble-rouser who was planning, provocatively, to give a speech on the supposed evils of Jewry on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, the heart of Jewish life in America at the time. TR mused that “the proper thing to do was to make him ridiculous.” He decided he would assign the bigot a police detail consisting exclusively of Jewish officers. 

But then Roosevelt ordered a deputy to collect Jewish officers not by inquiring who was Jewish but by discerning who looked Jewish. In Roosevelt’s words, “Don’t bother yourself to hunt up their religious antecedents; take those who have the most pronounced Hebrew physiognomy—the stronger their ancestral marking, the better.” Here Roosevelt demonstrated that supporting Jews and stereotyping them could go hand in hand.

Roosevelt showed comparably paradoxical inclinations in his presidency. He made history in 1906 by naming the first Jew to sit in the cabinet, Oscar Straus.  

Roosevelt had deep faith in Straus’ abilities but also thought of him as an ethnic exception. As the president told a Christian theologian, “I want the Jewish young man who is born in this country to feel that Straus stands for his ideal of the successful man rather some crooked Jew money-maker.” The irony is unavoidable. He broke down barriers for Jews in America, but partly because he was indulging ugly prejudices about conniving Jewish financiers.

This counterintuitive blend of benevolence and bias was strikingly commonplace in the Rooseveltian era. As the scholar John Higham has keenly noted, “A stereotype may express ambivalent emotions. It may blend affection and contempt. … Many Americans were both pro- and anti-Jewish at the same time.” 

Roosevelt was, in fact, a man of his time. And a Christian. A survey of leading ministers in Roosevelt’s day finds some virulent antisemitism. A preacher in Baltimore said Jews were “merciless, tricky, vengeful,” their humanity lost in greed, and concluded that “of all the creatures who have befouled the earth, the Jew is the slimiest.” Another minister in Detroit thought bigotry itself was evidence of the awfulness of Jews. He alleged that “antisemitic feeling” was rooted in “the craftiness of the Jew.” 

Yet the most fervent defense of Jews in Roosevelt’s era also came from Christian clerics. Roosevelt knew many of these ministers personally. Some of them spoke out against the waves of mob violence—pogroms—that were happening in Russia during TR’s presidency. 

The American Baptist Missionary Union organized a meeting in Buffalo to support Jewish victims, identifying the plight of Jews as a Christian concern. The group said that Baptists in particular had a responsibility to fight for religious freedom since their own ancestors were persecuted for their faith. Around the same time, the famed Congregationalist theologian Lyman Abbott publicly pressured Roosevelt to intercede for Russian Jews, saying, “It is time for the United States government to interfere in the cause of humanity.”

TR did interfere, at times condemning the pogroms and resisting calls to stop Jewish refugees from coming to America. He later gave part of the money he had won with the Nobel Peace Prize to the National Jewish Welfare Board and supported the idea of a Jewish state “around Jerusalem.”

But the record is complicated. To see Roosevelt as a man of his times and a Christian of his times requires we acknowledge the full depth of the contradictions of his feelings toward Jews. The historic record demands we reckon with the paradoxes of the president, his faith, and the nation he led. It offers us, too, the opportunity to reckon with our own contradictions. In our moment—as the question of Jewish belonging reemerges with fresh urgency—we would be wise to remember that we are heirs to Theodore Roosevelt’s America and all its incongruities.

Andrew Porwancher is professor of history at Arizona State University. His latest book is American Maccabee: Theodore Roosevelt and the Jews.

News

Southern Baptists to Vote on Financial Disclosures, Legal Fees, ERLC

Going into its annual meeting, SBC faces slipping trust and pushes for greater accountability.

Dallas skyline

Southern Baptists gather for their annual meeting June 9–11 in Dallas.

Christianity Today June 9, 2025
Roy Burroughs / Baptist Press

Ask Southern Baptists their favorite part of their annual meeting, and nearly everyone will tell you: the missionary-sending presentation. Couples and individuals getting ready to serve abroad introduce themselves from the convention stage, with those bound for sensitive countries hidden in silhouette, and the crowd prays for them.

They represent what leaders see as the heart of the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC): autonomous churches coming together to fund missions and ministry work as they have since the launch of the SBC’s Cooperative Program 100 years ago.

“The genius of the Cooperative Program has proved itself over a century,” said Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, last month. But “it has never been uncomplicated. It’s never easy.”

As Southern Baptists celebrate the anniversary of their cooperation, they must also confront the current challenges of working together, with major votes expected around expenditures and the future of their public policy entity as they gather in Dallas this week.

In discussions ahead of the annual meeting, leaders referenced a sense of strain in their fellowship. Southern Baptist voices questioned whether the entities are stewarding budgets well, whether convention leaders represent their beliefs, and whether the SBC is doing enough to ensure cooperating churches hold to Baptist doctrine.

On the agenda, Southern Baptists will decide whether to allot $3 million in giving to cover mounting legal expenses related to abuse cases, which have cost the SBC $13 million so far.

Messengers are also expected to vote again on proposals to require additional financial disclosures and to do away with the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission (ERLC). Both came up at previous meetings, but the issues have grabbed more attention this time.

Shaken confidence in the business of the convention corresponds with Americans’ declining trust in institutions across the board, including in churches. The concerns took on more momentum this year as some called for a DOGE-like push toward greater transparency and accountability.

Some pastors, including South Carolina pastor Rhett Burns, have called for the disclosure of financial details like the salaries of executives heading convention entities.

“This is something that has been building for years. The awareness for greater financial transparency is greater than it’s ever been,” said Burns.

Burns evoked a famous 1985 sermon from W. A. Criswell when he laid out what he believed were the choices facing the SBC in the conservative resurgence. Today, Burns said the question is “not ‘Whether We Live or Die’ but whether we DOGE or die.”

Entity leaders and others, meanwhile, have opposed the disclosure of the kind of information a nonprofit would include on a 990 form and have defended the trustee system. They have asked Southern Baptists to approve an updated version of the convention’s financial plan.

Sarah Merkle, a professional parliamentarian who specializes in the work of denominations and ministries, said many organizations are facing “more scrutiny of trustees and board directors.”

She warns people, though, that, “accountability and transparency aren’t ends in themselves” and the push for a DOGE-style gutting of SBC bureaucracy may not have the intended effect. “It’s not a fail-safe way to ensure the work of the gospel goes forth,” she told CT.

Debates about disclosures only scratch the surface of underlying tensions in the convention, though. The SBC—which includes 46,876 independent churches—navigated political divides around President Donald Trump and contradictory views of the abuse crisis and the SBC’s response.

“God has given us much to celebrate in our confession and our cooperation,” Executive Committee president Jeff Iorg told a packed ballroom on Monday, a day before the full annual meeting sessions begin. “We also acknowledge the business we must do and the competing voices.”

In February, the Executive Committee—which oversees SBC business outside the annual meeting—approved a budget for $190 million in Cooperative Program funds, including $3 million to cover anticipated fees from abuse lawsuits. The convention will vote on whether to approve the allocation for the legal costs.

Since 1925, the Cooperative Program has collected $20 billion for sending missionaries, planting churches, training leaders, and doing other SBC ministry work. Until now, the Executive Committee has avoided using Southern Baptist giving to pay the legal costs, but it’s depleted reserves to the point that the convention has put its headquarters in Nashville up for sale.

Committee members recognize that churches want their dollars to go to the missionaries on the stage, not the lawyers behind the scenes, but bills also need to be paid. The SBC continues to fight a multimillion-dollar lawsuit by former president Johnny Hunt, and Iorg anticipates the SBC could continue to be named in future lawsuits against local churches.

Rob Collingsworth, a leader with Criswell College, expects the disagreements over the abuse response in the first place—whether the convention has done enough or too much—will factor in to the vote over the allocation.

“It’s not just $3 million,” he said on the Baptist Review podcast. “It’s not just some fees. It’s $3 million related to some stuff that’s very visceral to both people who sexual abuse happened to them or happened to someone close to them, or they felt like the way the convention approached it was wrong.”

After years of stalled reform efforts, several outspoken survivors involved in earlier efforts to address the abuse crisis opted not to attend this year’s meeting. The public legal cases costing the SBC millions come from former leaders suing for defamation.

Hunt’s 2023 lawsuit has also come up in the recent push for financial transparency. In seeking damages from the SBC, he claimed $610,000 in annual salary and employment benefits. His immediate past position was vice president at the North American Mission Board.

The SBC may also consider a motion to defund or abolish the convention’s public policy arm, the ERLC. Messengers who say that the entity no longer adequately represents Southern Baptist interests in Washington and doesn’t work closely enough with the Trump administration have pushed to abolish or defund the ERLC in three previous conventions.

Last year’s raised-ballot vote against the ERLC didn’t pass, but many predict that the issue could go to a written vote this year. It takes majority votes at two meetings in a row to abolish an entity. Another proposal recommends reforming the entity by limiting the scope of its advocacy rather than threatening its existence.

It’s been a tumultuous year for the ERLC. Its president, Brent Leatherwood, faced backlash from Southern Baptists for a remark commenting on President Joe Biden’s decision to drop out of the 2024 race. Then the former ERLC board chair erroneously said Leatherwood was fired in July, only for the entity to retract the statement the next day.

Former ERLC president Richard Land has urged the denomination to hold on to the ERLC, as have a group of former SBC presidents who say the agency “forged a path forward fighting abortion, helping pave the way to see Roe v. Wade overturned and now Planned Parenthood defunded. They are continuing to battle transgender ideology and pornography and to promote biblical values regarding marriage, family, and sexuality.”

The SBC is also expected to once again vote on whether to amend its constitution to require affiliated churches to appoint only men as pastors, reflecting the Southern Baptist position in its statement of faith, the Baptist Faith and Message, which also turns 100 this year.

At the 2024 annual meeting, the proposal—called the Law Amendment—did not reach a two-thirds majority, with some believing the move would be unnecessary or redundant. This year, more Southern Baptists see the need to make their position clear after learning that the SBC’s credentials committee failed to remove a church with a woman serving as a teaching pastor.

The church, NewSpring in South Carolina, opted to leave on its own after being questioned. In previous years, Southern Baptists have voted down churches, including Saddleback, that opted to appeal when the committee found them “not in friendly cooperation” with the convention.

Some advocates of the Law Amendment say it will reduce needless and repeated controversy at future meetings.

“Instead of challenging the credentials of churches with women pastors at every annual meeting, the Law Amendment would allow messengers to instruct the Credentials Committee and the convention on what cooperative compliance with the Bible and the Baptist Faith and Message should look like,” wrote Colin J. Smothers, a Kansas pastor and the executive director for the Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood.

Messengers know that the business of the convention, even with its controversies and debates, remains important. But it ultimately matters to them because the cooperation is what allows them to fund missionaries and ministry.

Leading up to the annual meeting, Nate Akin, director of the network Baptist21, referred to the trellis and vine, symbols of how the SBC needs a certain amount of structure to effectively support Great Commission work.

Andrew Hébert, a pastor from Longview, Texas, who has chaired the SBC’s committee that helps run the annual meeting and served on its sexual abuse task force, prays for unity around the mission to overcome divisions.

“I hope that Southern Baptists are reminded about why we cooperate in the first place. It’s easy to get mired in the weeds,” said Hébert.

“This is a good year to do it. We’re reminded of how much God has done over the past 100 years.”

This story has been updated to correct Rhett Burns’s name and to link a statement from NAMB.

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