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Wire Story

With Pandemic Tithes Up, Churches Pay Back Millions in Stimulus Funds

It’s not just Lakewood. So far, 99 Christian orgs have repaid their Paycheck Protection Program loans.

Christianity Today November 2, 2021
Marc Piscotty / Getty Images

When Michigan’s governor required churches to stop meeting in person on March 16 last year, Kenton Sanders, director of operations at Mars Hill Bible Church, quickly did some worrying math.

About 40 percent of donations to the megachurch in Grandville, Michigan, came during in-person services that drew some 1,750 adults, students and children weekly. With in-person services shutting down, donations would surely tumble. If that happened, the church would have to lay off some of its staff.

“It was at the beginning of the pandemic, we had just gone online, and had no idea what was going to happen,” he said.

So, like more than 120,000 churches and other religious organizations nationwide, Mars Hill applied for help through the Paycheck Protection Program, the emergency loan program created by the CARES Act, a $2.2 trillion relief and stimulus package passed by Congress in March 2020. Under the PPP, the Small Business Administration would funnel funds to local banks, which would make loans to employers in their communities.

Mars Hill’s $295,000 loan, approved on April 14, 2020, would protect two dozen jobs at the church, at least for a few months.

But within a month after the loan was approved, Sanders noticed that giving had actually gone up. In addition to regular offerings that came in online, church members also contributed to a benevolence fund, known as “the white bucket project,” to help neighbors in need during the pandemic.

After talking with other Mars Hill leaders, Sanders called up the bank and returned the entire amount of the loan.

Mars Hill is one of a small number of religious organizations that took out large PPP loans only to return the funds without ever withdrawing a penny or to pay back the loan back in full.

According to an analysis by Religion News Service of data from the SBA, 13,408 religious groups, mainly churches, were approved for loans of $150,000 or more. Of those, 100 paid the loans back without asking for the loans to be forgiven. Fewer than 50 other groups were approved for the loans but did not withdraw the funds.

The repaid loans range from $4.37 million to $150,500 and totaled just over $66 million. Those repaying the loans include 99 Christian groups and one Muslim organization.

At least one well-known congregation, Lakewood Church in Houston, pastored by televangelist Joel Osteen, recently announced that it will pay back a $4.43 million dollar PPP loan. A church spokesman said the loan will be paid back with interest over 60 months.

More than 8,800 religious groups have asked for their loans to be forgiven—as the program was designed to allow, and a relatively common practice for all PPP borrowers. The status of another approximately 4,500 remaining loans has not yet been reported to the SBA by local banks.

All told, 11,823,594 PPP loans were approved, for a total of $799.8 billion.

For Philadelphia Baptist Church, based in Deville, Louisiana, getting approved for a PPP loan provided peace of mind when such peace was in short supply. Pastor Philip Robertson called the early days of the pandemic the most stressful time of his more than quarter-century as a pastor.

While the church had some reservations about the loan and whether it would come with government strings attached, Robertson said, “We wanted to make sure that we were able to continue to pay our staff and not have to endure catastrophic financial implications.”

From the beginning, church leaders decided to pay the $181,170 loan back if they could. The funds were set aside, said Robertson, and to be spent only if they were needed.

When giving remained steady, the church repaid the loan in July of 2020. Paying the loan back cost the church about $400 in interest, said Robertson, a small price to pay for the peace of mind that came with the loan.

Robertson said he’s thankful that the church was eligible for the loan—even though it was funded by the federal government—grateful that the loan turned out not to be needed and grateful for the continued giving of church members.

“The people of God give because they give out of obedience to the Lord and wanted to support the ministry and work of their church,” he said. “And that was a priority for them. Even in the midst of a global pandemic.”

Paul Spilker, lead executive pastor at College Park Church in Indianapolis, which paid back a $1,157,100 loan, was also surprised by the generosity of church people during the pandemic. The loan, he said, allowed the congregation to pay its staff during a time of great uncertainty. When giving to the church turned out to be higher than expected, he said, church leaders decided to pay it back.

“We thought, here’s a testimony to the generosity of our people,” Spilker said.

Spilker and other leaders of churches that repaid the loans said it was the right thing for their church. But they understand why other groups made different decisions.

To qualify for loan forgiveness, churches and other organizations had to certify that there was significant economic uncertainty when they applied for the loan—which was the case for nearly every for-profit and nonprofit organization in the United States.

There are some indications that congregations avoided major fiscal decline during the COVID-19 pandemic. More than half of the congregations in a fall 2020 study from Lake Institute on Faith and Giving at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis said that giving had either stayed the same or gone up. Few (14%) said they had to lay off staff, while two-thirds applied for a PPP loan.

In their loan application, Mars Hill asked for enough money to pay the salaries of 24 staffers. All told, the PPP loans to religious groups were meant to pay salaries of 1.5 million staffers, with half of them at groups that borrowed more than $150,000.

Allison Gill, vice president of American Atheists, said she appreciates religious groups that paid back their PPP loans rather than asking for forgiveness.

“It shows an appreciation for the separation of church and state,” she said.

Still, American Atheists and other secular groups expressed concern over the program—especially if religious groups applied for forgiveness. That essentially turned loans into grants to pay the salaries of religious leaders, said Nick Little, vice president and general counsel of the Center for Inquiry, another atheist group.

Little said that having government funds paying the salaries of pastors, rabbis, priests and other leaders was “constitutionally troubling.”

The 2012 National Congregations Study found that about 25 percent of congregations had mortgages or other debt. Congregations that described themselves as more conservative (22.3%) were less likely to say they had debt than those that were more liberal (43.9%).

Uncertainty for many religious organizations, meanwhile, is far from over. At Mars Hill, Sanders said that the staff remains intact, and as the pandemic has eased, about 300 people now show up for weekend services. But others continue to attend only online. That makes long-term planning difficult.

“The hard part is that we don’t know how many people we have in our church anymore,” he said.

Still, he is thankful the PPP loan was repaid. “I am really proud to be part of a church that said, ‘No, we don’t need it—we are going to give it back.'”

News

A Year After the Election, Trump’s Effect on Evangelical Churches Lingers

Political tensions in the pews have calmed, and another survey shows leaders’ Trump support yielded more positives than negatives for evangelicals.

Christianity Today November 1, 2021
Eva Marie Uzcategui / Getty Images

Political polarization has subsided in most American churches a year after the 2020 presidential elections. But there are notable exceptions to that trajectory, and new research has found lingering effects of evangelical support for former president Donald Trump.

The remnants of tension are evident at congregations such as Seattle’s Downtown Cornerstone Church, where pastor Adam Sinnett has been surprised “at how challenging it is to really cultivate unity amidst [our] political differences.”

In the youthful, mobile, and tech-savvy church, members who “leaned more toward the far left and the far right tended to have the most difficult time in this last season,” Sinnett said, “and they also were the ones that gravitated away from the church.”

The Seattle congregation’s experience aligns with data released this week by Heart and Mind Strategies, a research and consulting organization. A survey of 1,000 US adults conducted in August found some remaining sources of political strife for evangelicals.

Around half of Americans believe evangelical leaders’ support of Trump hurt the church’s credibility. One in four say evangelical support for Trump reduced their desire to participate in religion. And among evangelicals, 33 percent say their leaders’ support of Trump made personal witness to friends and family more difficult.

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The political strife the church has endured in recent years “shows the world that Jesus doesn’t really unite people like we say he does,” Sinnett said.

At Downtown Cornerstone, the political differences show up “in three primary spheres: personal relationships, small groups, and most pointedly around decisions of leadership” over whether to address social issues and whether to submit to the government on COVID-19 restrictions, among other issues.

“It’s somewhat of an indictment of the church that we are far more comfortable in our ideological circles than we are with people that have totally different political perspectives but worship the same Jesus,” Sinnett said.

Divides in many churches hit a breaking point in 2020, with heightened political polarization during Trump’s reelection campaign and pastors struggling to maintain unity over pandemic responses. In the aftermath of the contested election and the riot at the US Capitol, pastors even found themselves in conversations around conspiracy theories, fear, and truth.

Amid the tensions, some congregations clashed with their leaders, some pastors left their churches, some members went searching for a new church home, and some have taken a break from church life altogether.

But as the election recedes and pandemic outlooks improve, things feel a lot better in most churches than they did in 2020. The effects still linger, but the intensity of the debates have died down.

The question for analysts is whether the apparent calming of political tension among evangelicals stems from increased spiritual maturity or just the changing news cycle. Author and theologian Jonathan Leeman thinks it’s a combination of both.

“There are risks of dividing over things that are in the news,” said Leeman, coauthor of How Can I Love Church Members with Different Politics? “Now we’re not talking about a presidential election,” and the division is subsiding. “Everybody is talking about vaccines and mask mandates, so that’s where you’re going to feel the fissures.”

Still, Christians seem to be learning in 2021 to separate “whole church issues,” on which Christians must agree to be part of a congregation together, from “Christian freedom issues,” which are not as clear in Scripture, he said.

“At least a few more people are beginning to grab onto the idea of Christian freedom as a crucial doctrine that allows the temperatures of conversations to drop at least slightly,” said Leeman, editorial director at 9Marks in Washington, DC.

It can be hard to disagree over politics in church when so many believers see their vote and their political engagement as stemming from their Christian convictions and beliefs in right and wrong. Two-thirds of self-identified evangelicals, according to the Heart and Mind survey, say their faith influences their political beliefs, twice as many as Americans on average.

The majority of evangelicals (57%) believe their support of Trump in 2020 “showed moral courage to try and achieve policies and actions consistent with evangelical Christian values,” and more than a third of Americans overall agreed.

Most who identify as evangelicals or hold evangelical beliefs said evangelical stances on President Trump didn’t affect their church involvement either way. But for a sizable minority, it led them to become more engaged with their church and their faith.

Among self-identified evangelicals, 30 percent say they are more likely to attend Sunday services as a result of how their pastors addressed Trump in the last election, 27 percent say they’re more likely to make donations to their church, and 33 percent are more likely to witness to friends.

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Approximately 80 percent of white evangelicals voted for Trump in 2016 and again in 2020, according to polling data. Trump’s evangelical allies, convened by friend and televangelist Paula White, included leaders like First Baptist Dallas pastor Robert Jeffress, Gateway Church pastor Robert Morris, and Samaritan’s Purse president Franklin Graham.

Some evangelicals who objected to Trump during the 2016 election—such as Southern Baptist Theological Seminary president Albert Mohler—ended up backing him in 2020 based on his track record on religious liberty, abortion, and other issues. In the Heart and Mind survey, evangelicals who were white, over 55, and weekly church attenders were most likely to agree with such stances, believing Trump kept his promises to champion matters important to faithful Christians.

The evangelical critics of the former president, though, said Trump’s brash approach, as well as his remarks on women and immigrants, revealed a character at odds with Christian values. Pastors like Andy Stanley at Atlanta’s North Point Community Church worried evangelical association with Trump would hurt the church’s reputation and outreach. In the survey, a minority of evangelicals believed the same, concerned about the impact on evangelical credibility and Christian witness.

But surveys so far haven’t reported a significant impact on evangelical affiliation. The new findings from Heart and Mind align with data released last month by the Pew Research Center showing there was no mass exodus from evangelicalism during the four years of Trump’s presidency despite pockets of turmoil. In fact, affiliation grew thanks to Trump’s political supporters adopting the label.

While evangelicalism at large looks to have survived the Trump era without major fissures, division remains for some Black Christians.

The Heart and Mind Strategies poll found 64 percent of Black evangelicals identified with the sentiment that “evangelical leaders’ obsessive support of Trump coupled with his personal failings does more harm than good, tarnishing numerous causes.” An identical percentage of white evangelicals (64%) agreed that they supported Trump because “while not a perfect person, he championed matters important to faithful Christians.”

Those racial differences manifested themselves in the departures of several African American pastors from the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) last year. Now Marshal Ausberry, immediate past SBC first vice president and immediate past president of the SBC’s National African American Fellowship, says the suburban DC congregation he pastors may leave the SBC this year.

Members of Antioch Baptist Church in Fairfax Station, Virginia, are “deeply, deeply concerned” over appearances the convention is “in bed with a particular [political] party,” he said.

The Trump administration “reopened” past wounds of racial trauma for African Americans and brought grown men to tears, Ausberry said. Over the past year, the situation “has not improved because anytime you experience pain or racialized trauma resurfacing, it takes time to heal.”

The Hispanic community seems to mirror the larger trend of political calming, according to Javier Chavez, a Georgia pastor and global studies professor at Truett McConnell University. The 2020 election cycle was “difficult” for Latinos due to the “political noise.”

In different parts of the country and among Latinos with different backgrounds, views clashed over the president. Some churches split over the election, and some Hispanic believers changed churches over politics, Chavez said.

This year, however, “is a different story.” Currently, “the discussion of political ideology is not really what is transpiring in my community,” said Chavez, pastor of Amistad Cristiana International, a Spanish-speaking, predominantly Mexican and Central American church in Gainesville, Georgia. “At this moment, the concern is economics: inflation, constant noise of an approaching economic crisis, housing prices.”

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Amid the slowdown of election conflict, half (52%) of evangelicals agree they are “proud that some in the evangelical community are seeking to separate the gospel message from Trump and toxic politics,” according to the Heart and Mind Strategies survey.

Evangelicals under 35, people of color including Asians and Hispanics, and those living in the Mountain and Midwest areas were most likely to agree.

Many of them likely have their own leaders in mind. Self-identified evangelicals gave their pastors higher marks in their handling of the 2020 election than evangelical leaders in general.

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Respondents were more likely to say evangelical leaders did a fair or poor job speaking about the presidential election (43%). When asked about their own pastor or church leader, though, just over half (51%) gave them positive marks.

David Roach is a freelance reporter for CT and the pastor of Shiloh Baptist Church in Saraland, Alabama.

Books
Review

The Contentious Literary Family That Explains Global Anglicanism

How the dilemmas driving “The Brothers Karamazov” resemble those confronting the world’s third-largest Christian communion.

Christianity Today November 1, 2021
Illustration by Rick Szuecs / Source Images: Wikimedia Commons

C. S. Lewis envisioned Christianity as a house with “a hall out of which doors open into several rooms.” The rooms are ecclesial traditions that offer disciples a fire for warmth, a chair for rest, and a meal for nourishment and fellowship, whereas the hall is “mere” Christianity, a place where disciples greet and gift each other with riches from their respective rooms.

The Future of Orthodox Anglicanism

The Future of Orthodox Anglicanism

Crossway

288 pages

$20.19

Against tradition without tradition (nondenominationalism), Lewis encouraged Christians to find themselves in a room because “the hall is a place to wait in, a place from which to try the various doors, not a place to live in.” He adds, “I am sure God keeps no one waiting unless He sees that it is good for him to wait. When you do get into your room you will find that the long wait has done you some kind of good which you would not have had otherwise.”

Lewis’s analogy has organized the shape of my Christ-life with remarkable clarity. My childhood and adolescence were spent in the hall, oblivious that it was a hall and unsuitable for the long haul. Only when I studied abroad and worshiped in the Church of England did I find a room—or it found me, satisfying questions that Lewis advises in our search: “Are these doctrines true: Is holiness here? Does my conscience move me towards this?”

The journey I made from generic evangelical to Anglican fits a recent pattern narrated by American theologian Robert Webber in his 1985 book, Evangelicals on the Canterbury Trail. The Anglican room welcomed Webber and other evangelicals, including myself, with six areas of orthodoxy that were “not adequately fulfilled” in our Christian experience: mystery and awe, liturgical worship, sacramental vision, historical consciousness, catholic sensibility, and holistic spirituality.

The analogy of Christianity to a house originates with Paul, who reminds Gentiles that they are no longer “alienated from the commonwealth of Israel and strangers to the covenants of promise,” but now “fellow citizens with the saints and members of the household of God, built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Christ Jesus himself being the cornerstone” (Eph. 2:12, 19–20, ESV unless specified, emphasis added). If we reside in a house, then logic holds we must also be members of a family—and no family, east of Eden, is free from dysfunction and discord.

Brother keeping

As I read The Future of Orthodox Anglicanism, an engaging collection of essays edited by Anglican priest and theologian Gerald McDermott, I realized that my Anglican family—the third-largest Christian communion in the world (85 million) behind Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy—bears resemblance to the Karamazov family in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s novel The Brothers Karamazov.

For Dostoevsky, the family was an emblem of the promises and perils of 19th-century Russia. Just as that family was in a full-blown crisis, so too Anglicans face their own turning point five centuries after their inception in the 16th-century English Reformation. Who are we, and where are we going? The question of identity and destiny hangs not on which brother is the greatest but on whether the members of our family will practice the kind of fraternal love that Jesus exemplified when he washed the stinky and dirty feet of his disciples before they supped together for the last time.

Let me tease out the parallel between the fictional and ecclesial families. With absentee parents—mothers who desert or die and a father who is murdered—the Karamazov brothers have only each other. They must either learn to be each other’s keeper or refuse their appointed role, like Cain, through prideful disobedience or careless dereliction.

Each son in the Karamazov family represents an aspect of the human personality: Dmitri the body, Ivan the intellect, and Alyosha the spirit. Patricide exacerbates the fragmentation of the integrated personality: Together, the brothers will survive and perhaps even thrive; apart, they will dissolve. As tendencies, Dmitri’s passionate sensuality yields to bestial debauchery, Ivan’s cold intelligence succumbs to nihilistic despair, and Alyosha’s zealous spirituality detaches from worldly troubles, particularly his familial drama.

Zosima, the elder at the monastery, exhorts Alyosha to leave the security of the monastic enclosure and participate in God’s “ministry of reconciliation” (2 Cor. 5:18). Once equipped, Aloysha follows his mentor’s direction, “eager to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace” (Eph. 4:3), starting with his own flesh and blood. Although the novel does not tidy up the messiness in the Karamazov family, it ends hopefully, as Alyosha demonstrates that he is his brother’s keeper not only inside the family but also outside with the neighborhood boys that he befriends.

Contemporary Anglicanism, like the Karamazovs, shows all the signs of a fractured fraternity: the Global North is an amalgam of the death-dealing brothers Dmitri and Ivan, whereas the Global South is a profile of the life-giving Alyosha, which makes it (in the words Dostoevsky uses to describe his protagonist) “a humble and indefinite hero” in the Anglican family.

If healing and harmony are in its future, the Anglican Communion, whose power and privilege reside in its birthplace of England, must give way to the new center of gravity in Africa, which boasts “more Christians than any other continent” as of 2018, according to McDermott. “Significantly, Nigeria has more Anglicans than any other country on the globe, and Nigeria is poised to become the third most populous nation on the planet by 2050, surpassing the United States.” Thus, McDermott reasonably claims Nigeria is “a harbinger of the future of orthodox Anglicanism. By itself, it tells us that future Anglicanism will be largely nonwhite, vibrant in mission, and a suffering church.”

Former Archbishop of Nigeria Peter Akinola puts it well: “We don’t need to go through Canterbury to get to Jesus,” which indicates that “the long season of British hegemony is over,” as his African brother Henry Luke Orombi, former Archbishop of Uganda, says. Of course, the stakeholders in the Global North are reluctant if not resistant to cede any ground, even though this appears to be a providential correction to the waywardness of the Anglo-American provinces, who have failed to “guard the good deposit [of faith] entrusted” to them (2 Tim. 1:14).

Somber notes

The volume, organized by regional, vocational, and ecclesiastical perspectives, ensures that readers hear the polyphonic voices of the worldwide Anglican Communion. Predictably, voices culled from the Global North carry a lower register of somber notes. They belong to “a remnant, chosen by grace” (Rom. 11:5); a majority of their brethren have bowed the knee to what Foley Beach, Archbishop of the Anglican Church in North America, provocatively but convincingly calls “neo-pagan Anglicanism”—Anglican in style but not substance.

Speaking with a prophetic mantle, Beach observes that “liberal innovations in theology and sexual ethics” are hidden within an orthodox façade, comparable, I would say, to the Trojan horse: This so-called gift to Anglicans in North America and Great Britain signals ruin. He bemoans:

Neo-pagan Anglicanism is beautifully packaged in some of the most elegant liturgy, music, and tradition in Christianity. But it has become liturgy for the sake of liturgy, music for the sake of music, and tradition for the sake of tradition. As the apostle Paul wrote, they are “having the appearance of godliness, but denying its power” (2 Tim. 3:5). And as Athanasius argued against Arius’s heresy, the Jesus whom they promote is not the Jesus of which the Bible speaks.

As a result of this tragic accommodation to culture, Beach eschews the flaccid slogans of Canterbury and New York City about “communion across difference,” “mutual flourishing,” and “walking together” because there can be no truce with heretics and schismatics who advance a counterfeit gospel (Rom. 16:17–18). Estranged Anglicans in the Global North, he argues, can address their “ecclesial deficit” by joining forces with Anglican leaders from the Global South, who, beginning in 2008, formed the Global Anglican Future Conference (GAFCON), which has continued to serve as a vital reform movement: “As colonial and aging wineskins continue to promote neo-pagan beliefs and practices, the new wine of Christ’s continuing redemptive work will burst out to transform lives and renew our churches among the nations.”

Other voices from the Global North are comparably grave, as if singing a requiem for Anglicanism. For example, theologians Ephraim Radner and Gerald Bray, the former an Episcopalian and the latter an evangelical Anglican, share a view that Anglicanism, as a “genetic linkage” of churches, may not survive the social upheaval of late modernity.

Radner posits that “God has, until the present, been using Anglicans as a figural outworking of Christian reconciliation in a fragmented, post-Babel world.” Reconciliation of the divided church has been achieved through Anglican habits encapsulated in three Latin phrases: ecclesia semper reformanda est (ongoing reform of the church), ad fontes (retrieval of the apostolic tradition), and lex orandi, lex credendi (reciprocation of prayer and belief). Another contributor to the book, Anglican journalist and theologian Barbara Gauthier, maintains that Anglicans have wrought reconciliation through the three streams of Scripture, sacrament, and Spirit, “representing Anglicanism’s evangelical, sacramental, and charismatic traditions.”

Because Anglicanism seems to be dying, Radner suggests letting it go as “a discrete ecclesial vocation and allowing its historic and contemporary forms to be remade for some further divine purpose.” This echoes the late Archbishop of Canterbury Michael Ramsey’s vision about the built-in obsolescence of Anglicanism, as summarized in the book by Stephen Bayne: “The vocation of Anglicanism is to disappear because Anglicanism does not believe in itself but believes only in the Catholic Church of Christ; therefore it is forever restless until it finds its place in that one Body.” Bray makes a similar point: “If Anglicanism is anything, it is a servant church in which every member has a ministry and in which all who believe in Christ are equally welcome.”

Indeed, a servant church may ultimately become invisible if the schisms in the worldwide church are healed, but ecclesial unity may not be possible without “Anglican essentials,” which have faded from the Global North. What other room off the hall summons the entire Christian family to the belief and practice of the undivided church during the first five centuries, as outlined by 16th-century Anglican Divine Lancelot Andrewes: “One canon reduced to writing by God himself, two testaments, three creeds, four general councils, five centuries and the Fathers in that period (the three centuries before Constantine and the two after) which determines the boundaries of our faith”?

The shorthand for Anglicanism is “reformed catholicism.” That seems as relevant today as ever because Geneva, Rome, and Constantinople have not come together in the ministry of Word and sacrament. And yet, as Bray recognizes, Anglicans in the Global North have either ignored or revised the formularies of the tradition—the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, the Homilies, the Ordinal, and the Book of Common Prayer—which are critical to its work of reconciliation: “Can a theological tradition exist without theology? That often seems where we are heading, but if we ever get there, Anglicanism will be as good as dead. Theological renewal is essential if we are to survive.” The via media of the Anglican tradition (interpreted in various ways as a mediator between Catholicism and Protestantism, Catholicism and Orthodoxy, popery and Puritanism) constitutes “the best of Anglicanism and its template for the future of Christianity after Christendom,” but also “evokes the worst aspects of Anglicanism: the spineless, muddling middle way that encourages a managerial mentality and gives rise to a false peace without principles,” avers ex-Episcopalian, Catholic theologian R. R. Reno.

Exultant notes

When the ear inclines to voices from the Global South, the reader experiences a jarring register break: Southern brethren hew to orthodox Christianity and therefore sing with a higher register of exultant notes. Listening to Eliud Wabukala from Kenya and Mouneer Anis from Egypt, one hears, against the rigor mortis that paralyzes the Global North, churchmen who are “resurrected by love,” to borrow Dostoevsky’s memorable phrase in his epilogue to Crime and Punishment. Their missional vigor, rooted in the formularies of the Anglican tradition, inspires hope.

“The ‘Anglican experiment’ is not ending in failure,” says Wabukala, “but is on the verge of a new and truly global future in which the original vision of the Reformers can be realized as never before.” When Archbishop of Canterbury Lord George Carey said in 1990, “You don’t have to be English to be Anglican,” he probably could not have foreseen that today, “Anglicans in the Global South represent more than 80 percent of the members of the Anglican Communion,” according to Anis.

All of which makes British colonial rule in a postcolonial world not only an anachronism but an anathema, insofar as pride of place must yield to the new reality with humility instead of reluctance and resentment. The mission field is reversed, where the once-evangelized are now the evangelizers. Fraternal love involves correction, which can be heard in Wabukala’s gentle rebuke: “Leaders from the Global North have led us down unhelpful paths. The so-called instruments of unity—the archbishop of Canterbury, the Anglican Consultative Council, and the Primates’ Meetings—have failed to provide unity and focus for effective mission.”

Africa not only shaped the Christian mind in the past but will shape its mind—and, just as importantly, its heart—in the future. The way forward is backward through a recovery of apostolic faith that took shape with first-century African theologians like Augustine of Hippo, Tertullian and Cyprian of Carthage, and Clement, Origin, Cyril, and Athanasius of Alexandria. In short, the Global South, like Alyosha, serves as a brother’s keeper to the Global North, loving the family to a healthier and holier future.

Fruitful death

The epigraph to The Brothers Karamazov, which quotes from the Gospel of John, fits the overall impression that The Future of Orthodox Anglicanism left with me: “Verily, verily, I say unto you, Except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and die, it abideth alone: but if it die, it bringeth forth much fruit” (12:24, KJV).

For the Christian, death is never the final word. What follows is greater: walking in “newness of life” (Rom. 6:4). It’s worth remembering that Anglicanism has died twice before: once in the 16th century during Queen Mary’s bloody reign, where she tried, in vain, to reverse the English Reformation, and again in the 17th century during the puritanical reign of Oliver Cromwell, whose commonwealth tried to banish, in vain, the Anglican Church.

In light of this history, what reason is there for fear? As Ray Sutton, presiding bishop of the Reformed Episcopal Church, observes, “Each resurgence of life after death left Anglicanism with a greater capacity to become a more unifying church. To cite the great Roman Catholic writer Henri Nouwen, out of the wounds came an ability to heal: a wounded healer. Anglicanism emerged with greater comprehensiveness, bringing in more branches of God’s vine.”

As Radner perceptively claims, the “giftedness of death is true for human persons; but it is equally true, as the Scriptures point out, for our communities of faith—Israel and the church both.” From the context of the Global North, where I worship, the Anglican family seems on the cusp of imprisonment like Dmitri or madness like Ivan. But I share Alyosha’s indefatigable hope in the Resurrection. Paul reminds us that we are “always carrying in the body the death of Jesus, so that the life of Jesus may also be manifested in our bodies” (2 Cor. 4:8–10).

In a final scene from The Brothers Karamazov, Kolya, the neighborhood scoffer turned seeker, asks Alyosha, “Can it really be true as religion says, that we all rise from the dead, and come to life”? When Alyosha replies, “half laughing, half in ecstasy,” he offers a word that inspires confidence in the fruitfulness of Anglican witness bearing in the future: “Certainly, we shall rise, certainly we shall see and gladly, joyfully tell one another all that has been.”

Christopher Benson serves as the curriculum director and humanities instructor at Augustine Classical Academy in Lakewood, Colorado, and worships at Wellspring Anglican Church in Englewood. He blogs at Bensonian.

Ideas

In Plain Prayer: Why Missionary Families Are Showing Love to Haiti Kidnappers

Response of Christian Aid Ministries and supporters reveals three Anabaptist distinctives that other Christians should find both familiar and thought provoking.

A man and woman hold children as they walk on the grounds of the Christian Aid Ministries headquarters in Titanyen, Haiti on Thursday, Oct. 21, 2021.

A man and woman hold children as they walk on the grounds of the Christian Aid Ministries headquarters in Titanyen, Haiti on Thursday, Oct. 21, 2021.

Christianity Today October 29, 2021
Matias Delacroix / AP Photo / Edits by Christianity Today

Update (Dec. 20): The final 12 Haiti missionary hostages made a daring escape overnight, instead of a paid ransom securing their release after two months, according to new details from Christian Aid Ministries. CAM says the missionaries forgive their kidnappers.

Like many others, we have been following the story of the 12 adults and five children associated with Christian Aid Ministries (CAM) who were kidnapped in Haiti on October 16 and are being held for ransom. The situation is difficult to contemplate, and we join countless individuals around the globe in praying for their release.

Unfortunately, circumstances in Haiti have allowed kidnapping to become all too common, routinely placing the lives of locals—and sometimes those of foreigners—at risk. But although the CAM abduction story fits a sad pattern of sorts, the official response has provoked queries from both religious and secular observers.

The nature and tone of CAM’s public statements and the prayer requests from the captives’ families have surprised many people because they have included prayer for the kidnappers and a desire to extend love and forgiveness to the gang members holding the 16 Americans and one Canadian captive.

Yet these responses did not surprise us. To be clear, we do not personally know any of those being held captive by the gang known as 400 Mawozo, nor are we privy to the private conversations of their relatives. However, the content of the public prayers and the calls to pray for the captives reflect deeply rooted Anabaptist dispositions that we believe the wider Christian community would find both surprisingly familiar and thought provoking.

From Ohio to the world

CAM is a relief and service organization supported by many churches on the more conservative side of the contemporary Anabaptist spectrum—plain-dressing traditionalist Mennonites, Amish-Mennonites, Dunkard Brethren, and not a small number of Old Order Mennonites and Amish. Along with Mennonite Central Committee (MCC), an international service agency that tends to draw support from the more assimilated side of the Mennonite family tree, CAM is one of the larger Anabaptist parachurch agencies today.

Begun in 1981, CAM was originally known as Christian Aid to Romania and grew out of an Ohio-based effort to ship care packages to Eastern Europe in the tense years of the late Cold War. Such gift giving challenged the easy way many Western Christians labeled those behind the iron curtain as the enemy.

Today CAM is involved in scores of countries. In Haiti, where CAM has been active since the late 1980s, its long-term work involves providing school supplies for children, medicines for clinics, and food for the elderly, as well as distributing Bibles and Christian literature. Short-term efforts included rebuilding in the wake of this summer’s earthquake. The hostages had been visiting an orphanage supported by CAM.

Three windows into the Anabaptist soul

In the days since the abduction, CAM and the captives’ families have issued at least ten public statements (from which come all the quotations that follow). In addition to fervent calls for prayer, the statements provide a window into the soul of the Plain Anabaptist community. They also offer an occasion for theological reflection for the rest of us.

What do we see in their response? Plain Anabaptists understand and exhibit their faith in different ways. Some are more comfortable with verbal evangelism than others. The degree to which they limit technology and avoid consumer culture also varies. Still, there is broad agreement on numerous matters, including things that bind them to other Christians.

Plain Anabaptists share many beliefs with evangelical Protestants, including the authority of the Bible, the sovereignty of God, and the availability of salvation through the work of Christ. CAM’s statement that “we commit this situation to God and trust Him to see us through” would likely resonate with many evangelicals, as would the organization’s hope that, regardless of the outcome, “the Lord Jesus [might] be magnified and many more people come to know His love and salvation.”

Much of the group’s language and its choice of biblical references would feel familiar to American evangelicals, including affirmations that “the effective, fervent prayer of a righteous man avails much” (James 5:16b) and that God invites us to call upon his name “in the day of trouble” (Psalm 50:15) and to “pray without ceasing” (1 Thessalonians 5:17).

But alongside these foundational sentiments, we also discover three distinctive refrains that reflect historic Anabaptist understandings of the Christian faith: the imperative to pray for the kidnappers, a nonresistant response to adversaries, and a commitment to forgive.

1) Praying for the kidnappers

In addition to asking supporters to pray for the safety of the captives as well as peace and comfort for their families back home, the CAM statements repeatedly ask us to include the kidnappers in our intercession—presenting them as humans whose actions, as horrifying as they are, do not place them beyond the bounds of love and concern:

  • “The kidnappers, like all people, are created in the image of God and can be changed if they turn to Him. While we desire the safe release of our workers, we also desire that the kidnappers be transformed by the love of Jesus, the only true source of peace, joy, and forgiveness.”
  • “One father of a hostage said this about the kidnappers, ‘We are interested in the salvation of these men and we love them.’”
  • “Many [Plain Anabaptist] children are praying for the people who have been kidnapped, [and] one three-year-old child prayed that ‘the naughty people would become good.’”

This last example, drawn from a young child’s words, illustrates how this fundamental orientation to enemies is passed on in Plain Anabaptist circles from one generation to the next across time.

Although none of the public statements explicitly refer to Anabaptist history, these sentiments enjoining prayer for enemies and longing for the transformation of adversaries is replete in the stories of Martyrs Mirror, the compendium of Anabaptist suffering in the 16th and early 17th centuries. Like the accounts in Martyrs Mirror, the calls from CAM are grounded in appeals to the example of Jesus, who said, “But I say to you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, and pray for those who spitefully use you and persecute you” (Matthew 5:44).

2) Nonresistance in the face of adversity

A closely related but distinct theological theme is responding to adversity—even dreadful circumstances—within the spirit of Jesus’ teaching in the Sermon on the Mount.

CAM’s leadership explained, “We have received various comments about our position on loving those who wrong us. This teaching, promoted for many years in Amish, Mennonite, and other conservative Anabaptist communities, we believe is God’s desire for all people.” The statement then linked to Matthew 5:10–11 to underscore that when we follow Jesus we love our enemies, bless those who curse us, do good to those who hate us, and pray for those who persecute us. The linked document also included these admonitions from Romans 12:19–21:

  • Do not take revenge on your enemy for doing wrong to you.
  • If your enemy is hungry, give him food.
  • If your enemy is thirsty, give him something to drink.

3) A commitment to forgive

CAM’s requests to pray for adversaries were accompanied with appeals to forgive the kidnappers, regardless of how the situation plays out:

  • “Jesus not only taught us to do these things, but also gave us an example of how to do them. When the Roman soldiers nailed Him to the cross, He called out to God, ‘Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.’”
  • “A father [of a hostage] said, ‘As a family we are giving forgiveness to these men. We are not holding anything against them.’ Though the past week has been difficult, the families are united in their desire to follow Jesus’ teaching of forgiveness.”

Forgiveness in Anabaptist circles typically means rejecting revenge and extending grace, though it does not necessarily absolve accountability of the wrongdoer.

Confidence in God’s mercy

Underneath all these themes runs a calm and reflective tone, including a profound empathy for the Haitian people. “This time of difficulty reminds us of the ongoing suffering of millions of Haitians,” CAM noted. “While our workers chose to serve in Haiti, our Haitian friends endure crisis after crisis, continual violence, and economic hardship. Despite the difficulties and dangers involved in working there, both our Haitian and American workers carry a vision to minister the love of Jesus in Haiti … [and] to follow in the footsteps of Jesus, who ‘went about doing good’ (Acts 10:38).”

These sentiments demonstrate a posture that may seem at odds with the sectarianism that observers assume for Plain Anabaptist communities. Yet empathy is a close companion to the Anabaptist emphasis on humility, and both grow out of a confident—even if quietly asserted—sense of God’s abiding love and mercy.

As one supporter wrote:

“I have a beautiful mind picture—that of thousands, likely millions of believers joining hands around the globe, their prayers ascending as a sweet incense to the Father of mercies. It matters not so much what denomination, race, or culture; we are all joined in one common heart-rending plea,

Lord, have mercy.”

Donald B. Kraybill is senior fellow emeritus at the Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies at Elizabethtown (PA) College and Steven M. Nolt is senior scholar and interim director at the Young Center. They are the coauthors, with David L. Weaver-Zercher, of Amish Grace: How Forgiveness Transcended Tragedy.

Ideas

Should Christians Participate in the Day of the Dead?

The Mexican holiday is more prominent than ever. Three evangelicals who’ve seen Día de los Muertos up close weigh in.

Christianity Today October 29, 2021
Maogg / Getty Images

El Día de los Muertos, translated as the Day of the Dead, is a Mexican holiday also celebrated in many US communities. It has roots both in the Catholic observances of All Saints’ and All Souls’ Days and in indigenous Mexican beliefs about the dead.

According to the ancient religion of Mexico, Day of the Dead traditions help the spirits of the dead return to their families, keeping them happy and forestalling the difficulties the dead could inflict on the living. Celebrations vary by region, but they have much in common: altars with offerings to dead relatives, skull-shaped sugar candies, marigolds, incense, votives, and food; candlelit cemeteries; tissue-paper cutouts; and calaverita (“little skull”) decorations everywhere.

CT asked Christians who’ve been in ministry in places where the Day of the Dead is celebrated, “Can Christians participate in good conscience? If so, how?”

Sally Isáis (Mexico City, Mexico): Christians shouldn’t participate at all, given the nature of the holiday.

Every mid-October before the Day of the Dead, my parents would receive a note from my Mexico City school saying, “If your daughter does not bring her part for the classroom offering, she will flunk civics class.”

My mother would say, “I am sorry, but as evangelical Christians, we cannot be part of this celebration, even if it means Sally will not pass the course.” She would then ask the teacher if there was any way that I could make up for not participating. Some years I flunked the course, and other years I was allowed to present another project. My peers were always upset that I would not do my part to decorate the class altar to the dead. My children had similar experiences when they were in Mexico City schools.

Some people see the Day of the Dead as simply a Mexican cultural art form and a family-friendly celebration: colorful, decorative, and dramatic, even somewhat romantic. However, there is a dark spiritual side to the holiday that has steadily increased and become more obvious and unrestrained.

Like other evangelicals in Mexico, I believe the Day of the Dead is about honoring death—not just the dead—and taking part (consciously or unconsciously) in occult practices that God forbids his people to engage in (Deut. 18:10–14).

I asked other Mexican evangelical leaders to weigh in, and they were very consistent on the issue. I haven’t found any evangelical Christians in Mexico who would actively participate in this tradition in which our culture, like the prophet Daniel’s, pushes us to compromise our worship of the one true God.

“Under no circumstance should a truly born-again believer celebrate the Day of the Dead,” says Victoriano Baez Camargo, pastoral leader and former director of the Mexican Bible Society.

Pastor Cirilo Cruz, president of the National Evangelical Fraternity of Mexico, states, “Every altar to the dead has idols. Daniel chose not to contaminate himself with things offered to them.”

Gilberto Rocha and his wife, Clara, pastors of the megachurch Calacoaya, say the normalization of Día de los Muertos shouldn’t be a big factor: “Our basis should be the Word of God and not culture or what is in style.”

“Our participation during these days is that of witnessing,” says Cruz. Many evangelical churches hold all-night prayer meetings and evangelistic outreach efforts during these especially dark days.

At the core of many Mexican Christians’ objections to Día de Los Muertos is its celebration of death. “This celebration is in reality the worship of death. Jesus taught us to celebrate life and that death is no longer triumphant,” says Baez Camargo.

The Rochas note that “Scripture is very clear regarding death: it is the last enemy to be destroyed (1 Cor. 15:26). We cannot celebrate our enemy. We must choose between life (a blessing) and death (a curse).”

“The only death that Christians celebrate is that of our Savior and the life that his sacrifice has afforded to us. We celebrate Jesus, the Bread of Life—not the dead. We participate at the table of Christ, not at the table of demons” asserts pastor Edna Porras.

Believers should not participate in the Day of the Dead. To do so is to play with fire. During the days of Día de los Muertos, we Christians take the opportunity to celebrate and share the life offered to us through Jesus Christ, who conquered death.

Sally Isáis is the director of Milamex, a nonprofit ministry that leads and empowers Mexicans in their calling to walk alongside the Church and serve Christ in all areas of life.

Heidi Carlson (San Diego, California): Christians should avoid ancestor worship, but we can mourn with those who mourn.

I wasn’t born into a family that participates in Day of the Dead rituals. So, when I realized I needed to prepare my children for the festivities in our San Diego neighborhood, the context I primarily drew upon was my upbringing in Africa.

Our Sherman Heights community in San Diego holds the region’s most traditional Day of the Dead festivities, where the local community center hosts a hall of altars and residents participate in a candlelight procession. People set up altars in their front yards with candles, offerings, and photos. Those thoughtfully curated displays are more prevalent on our evening walks than fake cobwebs or other Halloween decorations.

In Mozambique, where I grew up, ancestor worship, as well as ancestor veneration, played an important role in people’s lives. In ancestor worship, the dead aren’t simply honored; their souls need to be appeased, as they can make the lives of the living better or worse. Ancestors are revered as spiritual entities that communicate with family on earth and act as mediators to a distant god. They are a presence in daily life. Fear is a common theme in ancestor worship.

For people across the globe, honoring ancestors can become a fear-filled religion. In cultures where ancestor veneration forms an integral part of cultural identity, Christians who do not participate in the rituals often risk persecution. Their seeming lack of reverence for ancestors might bring shame and bad fortune to the family. It is an apparent rejection of their cultural identity.

Given this understanding, my instinct was to remain separate and not be present at any Day of the Dead events in our neighborhood. Being present at events might hinder my Christian witness, I thought. Others might think I’m tacitly endorsing ancestor worship if I engage in the activities. But these were our neighbors, our community. What was our calling in this context?

Once, during an evening stroll, we met a neighbor sitting on his front porch, carefully curating an altar. His front steps were lined with a beautiful arrangement of flowers and candles, interspersed with framed family photos. He had never done an altar before. But his father passed away the previous year, so this year he wanted to memorialize him. Joyfully, he pointed out photos and shared memories. For this neighbor, the altar functioned as a memorial.

I learned that for many residents, the Day of the Dead is a holiday of remembrance. Sharing stories and the act of communal remembrance can be a meaningful event. Day of the Dead in Sherman Heights is also a festival celebrating cultural heritage.

The secularization and commercialization have made pathways around its connection with the occult and ancestor worship, in the same way that many who enjoy Halloween are not participating in pagan ritual.

Nevertheless, there is no denying the strong spiritual component to Day of the Dead. Some people—even churchgoers—pray to dead relatives and leave food offerings, fearing what will happen if they don’t.

Mixing Christianity with other practices and coming to believe a gospel of works may be glaringly obvious syncretism when I perceive it in others. But there are ways I may be syncretistic, trusting in Jesus and something else, that are not so spiritually different from an offering to a dead relative.

No matter where Day of the Dead celebrants fall on the spectrum or how your neighbors and community celebrate, this is not a holiday to be feared. When I see the smirking skull, I think of Paul’s words: “‘Where, O death, is your victory? Where, O death, is your sting?’ The sting of death is sin, and the power of sin is the law. But thanks be to God! He gives us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ” (1 Cor. 15:55–57).

When the neighborhood is bedecked with sugar skulls, candles, and pots of marigolds, I engage, asking my neighbors questions about beloved deceased family members and sharing in joy at the memories.

And perhaps I will have the opportunity to share with them the joy and assurance we have because we serve the God of the living, not the dead—the God who welcomes us not because of the rituals we perform but because of the work he did on the cross.

Heidi Carlson is a writer now living in the Kingdom of Bahrain with her husband and four children.

Alexia Salvatierra (Pasadena, California): This is an issue Christians can disagree on, so long as we put our neighbors’ spiritual health first.

Paul had to teach the early church about more than one morally thorny question. Instead of coming down neatly with a list of dos and don’ts, the apostle raised a more fundamental theological principle: How will this choice affect your neighbor?

“‘I have the right to do anything,’ you say—but not everything is beneficial. ‘I have the right to do anything’—but not everything is constructive. No one should seek their own good, but the good of others” (1 Cor. 10:23–24).

As a Lutheran, I understand church holidays as physical reminders of spiritual principles: helpful for people with bodies, whose learning is strengthened by physical experience. All Saints’ Day—one of the traditions el Día de los Muertos stems from—is a vehicle for the biblical message that the body of Christ is both earthly and heavenly, providing a moment of reassurance, a sense of support, and a gift of perspective.

Of course, el Día de los Muertos is not All Saints’ Day. For some, it is a form of ancestor worship or an excuse for a drunken party. For others, it is a time of remembering loved ones and valuing the gift of family.

I was born in Los Angeles, to family who came from the antichurch, socialist tradition in Mexico and saw the holiday as encouraging superstition. I became a Christian in the Jesus Movement of the ’70s.

I joined evangelical Spanish-speaking churches who saw the holiday as promoting a dangerous distortion of the afterlife, distracting people from the eternal consequences of accepting or rejecting Jesus as Lord and Savior, and encouraging pagan beliefs.

When I became a Lutheran pastor, I walked into a debate between pastors who shared the above perspective and others who thought the holiday was a positive cultural practice for its emphasis on the value of family and respect for elders, useful as a teaching tool.

How should Christians respond? Do we participate in the best aspects of the holiday and ignore the worst? Do we absent ourselves and denounce it? In the Lutheran Hispanic context as well as in the Centro Latino community at Fuller Theological Seminary, we can find both perspectives.

It is ultimately a question of evangelism: how we proclaim the gospel in words and deeds so that the love of Christ and the way of Christ are both experienced and named.

At times in the Book of Acts, Paul pointed out God’s presence in the familiar and used that as a signpost to lead people to a saving knowledge of Christ. At other times, he denounced idol worship and sinful cultural practices.

In all of the cultures that I know well, people honor the memory of their dead relatives. I can't imagine why we would consider that in itself to be a sin. As for the altars, or shrines, of Day of the Dead, building a shrine is sinful or not depending on who you are worshiping there. If you are worshiping an idol, then it is a sin. If you are worshiping God, then it is not.

However, in the Latin American context, a Christian would have to do some intentional work to clarify that a picture of a relative at a Día de los Muertos shrine was not being treated as an idol.

It is possible to use Día de los Muertos as an occasion to preach about earthly and heavenly family, to talk about eternal life, to ask what it takes to truly laugh in the face of death—and perhaps to do all that at the table of celebration with “tax collectors and sinners” (Mark 2:15–16).

It is also possible to use Día de los Muertos to talk about how to separate from the world and seek a life of purity and faithfulness, embodying the Word in the refusal to participate.

Whether to participate in the holiday is a question of discernment in context, using the guiding principle of love for one’s neighbor. This is an example of what Martin Luther called adiaphora, a topic about which faithful Christians can disagree without breaking the unity that Jesus prayed for.

Alexia Salvatierra is Academic Dean at Fuller Theological Seminary’s Centro Latino and ordained pastor since 1988.

A reference to Martin Luther’s hymns has been removed because there is no reliable evidence that the tune to “A Mighty Fortress is Our God” was originally from a drinking song.

News

Lebanon’s Christians Resist Exodus from Worst Economic Collapse in 150 Years

Their middle-class salaries now worth peanuts, evangelicals struggle to maintain a faithful presence amid debate over serving God elsewhere.

Christianity Today October 29, 2021
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch / Source Images: WikiMedia Commons / Nick Ut / Getty Images

In 2019, as Lebanon witnessed an unprecedented uprising against its entire political class, evangelical sermons grappled with applied theology:

Whether to join in for justice or honor the king.

Two years later, amid an economic collapse the World Bank says is the worst in 150 years, Lebanese Christians face an even greater pastoral challenge:

Whether to stay and help or escape abroad.

The nation has largely made up its mind.

Estimates indicate as many as 380,000 people have left Lebanon. Every day witnesses another 8,000 passport applications. Food prices have increased 557 percent since the uprising, as the inflation rate has now surged past perennial basket cases Venezuela and Zimbabwe.

Once featuring an economically vibrant middle-class, Lebanon now has a poverty rate of 78 percent. The minimum wage of $450 per month has devalued to almost $30.

“Ask first, ‘Where can I love the Lord, obey the Lord, and serve the Lord—me and my family?’” Hikmat Kashouh, pastor of Resurrection Church Beirut, preached in his recent sermon. “Praying faithfully, we may come up with different decisions.”

Kashouh urged people not to emigrate easily, to seek counsel with church leaders, and to help the suffering whether they stay or leave.

Fellow evangelical pastor Walid Zailaa, however, was blunt in his assessment.

“Your presence is important. How can we enact God’s will if you are not here?” preached the pastor of Faith Baptist Church in Mansourieh. “If you want to search for a better life for yourself and your children, it is your right. But it says to God, ‘You are not able to provide for me in Lebanon.’”

Even the lions and tigers are leaving.

“Lebanon is not fit for man or animal,” said Bassam Haddad, who runs discovery Bible studies alongside relief efforts. “But I am optimistic—not for the country but for God’s work.”

Since 2012, his lay-led church services have met every evening, primarily serving Syrian refugees in the Bouchrieh neighborhood of Beirut. But since the economic crisis began, the number of Lebanese seeking monthly food packages—and spiritual counsel—has more than doubled.

“Our middle class is suffering now,” said Haddad, noting how much donated aid is still conditioned primarily for the Syrians. “We don’t have enough for everyone.”

Also staying amid the crisis is Cybelle Ghoul, a 22-year-old deputy country manager of DT Care, a US-affiliated NGO. After the Beirut explosion, she coordinated the removal of 350 tons of debris every day, while distributing essential relief to the displaced.

“If everyone leaves, no one will remain to help,” she said. “I see it as my responsibility to fight and make Lebanon a better place.”

It is in her blood. A Maronite Catholic, her father was a fighter with the Phalange, a Christian militia during the 15-year civil war that ended in 1990. An estimated 1 million Lebanese fled during the conflict, so emigration is nothing new.

And that was the fourth such wave. Prior to the 1923 mandate that carved Lebanon from the Ottoman Empire, the first wave began in 1880 when sectarian strife and the economic collapse of the local silk industry drove abroad 45 percent of Mount Lebanon’s population.

But even prosperity does not stem the tide. A fifth wave followed the civil war, when increased opportunity and advanced education led 1 in 5 Lebanese men to emigrate over the following 15 years.

There are approximately 5 million Lebanese within their Connecticut-sized eastern Mediterranean state. The diaspora, counting descendants, is 15 million.

Of Ghoul’s 30 closest friends, 15 have left Lebanon. Another 10 are trying.

“People are getting more and more depressed,” she said. “With a friend it is always better, but I have to adapt.”

Her faith in Jesus sustains her to stay. But others are suffering mental health issues, with essential anxiety medicines difficult to find amid an overall medical shortage. As the “bulk” of mental health professionals have emigrated, the national suicide hotline receives over 1,000 calls per month.

They are not the only ones leaving. Over 2,500 doctors and nurses have left Lebanon, 40 percent and 30 percent of the total sector, respectively.

Rana Costa is one of them—and never imagined she would be. An evangelical cardiologist and clinical associate with the American University of Beirut (AUB), she had multiple opportunities to leave, including for medical school. Every time, she chose Lebanon.

After the explosion, she felt an Esther-like sense of purpose that she was there for “such a time as this.” Volunteering frequently in both secular and evangelical NGOs, her professional skills ministered to many who could not afford it.

But her chief ministry is to her children.

“As a mother, I can’t imagine having an option to leave but instead forcing my kids through a trial, just so they can learn a lesson,” said Costa.

COVID-19 had already disrupted two years of schooling for her sons, ages four and seven. And as the crisis snowballed over the summer, she feared that education would be the next casualty.

The government provided only a few hours of electricity per day. Gas station lines stretched for miles. Internet service had been spotty. The AUB medical center warned 150 patients would die if no fuel was immediately supplied to run their backup generators.

“We had to close down our clinics, and without gasoline I couldn’t get there anyway,” she said. “Whatever ministry you purposed to do, you couldn’t do it.”

Now her family lives in Jordan, where God has blessed them with further ministry. Costa is working as the school doctor for the Baptist school in Amman as she explores new volunteer opportunities. And her husband, the chief operating officer for NEO Leaders, has been able to work beyond the office, hands-on in their local projects.

“God doesn’t call us to a life of luxury, but neither to suppress our comfort,” she said. “Serving him can happen anywhere, and least important is the location.”

Costa plans to return to Lebanon after the school year and, in any case, is still in the Arab world. The diaspora, however, is predominantly in Latin America, the US and Canada, and France.

“I have long been bothered when people say God leads them to leave,” said Elie Haddad, president of Arab Baptist Theological Seminary (ABTS). “They always seem to go to the West—and not to places like Yemen.”

At 1 percent of Lebanon’s population, evangelicals are a small community. Anyone emigrating, he said, leaves a “huge gap.” He counsels a sense of calling and a recognition of the gospel opportunities that multiply in times of crisis.

And it is “critical,” he said, that leaders do not leave.

So far, they are not. ABTS’s 35 staff members remain in Lebanon. So do the Presbyterian synod’s 28 pastors—including 14 in Syria. And the Baptist convention’s 21 pastors continue to serve their struggling churches.

“When you know your purpose, it is less easy to jump on a plane for a better life,” said Tony Skaff, pastor of Badaro Baptist Church in Beirut. “We believe ours is to be here as a church, serving Lebanon and the Middle East.”

About half of his 200-person congregation are active in service, blunting the pull of emigration. But 10 have left so far, and another 10 are in the process. Many more are waiting for an opportunity, disproportionate by generation.

“The youth want to leave,” Skaff said. “We would become a church of old people.”

So while the leaders are holding on, it is the second level of service that is shrinking. Of 31 young volunteers trained by Youth for Christ (YFC) since the uprising, five have emigrated.

“I am angry, and people should be angrier,” said Elie Heneine, a YFC staff worker, speaking in his personal capacity. “It is a sellout to pray for the country one Sunday and then to apply for emigration during the week.”

None of YFC’s salaried staff have left, but as volunteers age, they increasingly do. Heneine is working with three in a particular church who are planning to pursue master’s degrees abroad. If so, there will be no leaders to run the church’s youth ministry.

“We cannot drain the country of Christ influence,” he said. “But all I hear back is awkward silence.”

Costa said more evangelicals would emigrate but are reticent to be judged. A recent ABTS blog post warned about the glorification of those who stay. And Nabil Habibi, a seminary lecturer in New Testament, said that some shame those who leave.

But another factor is money.

“We are not heroes who stay, if we work for an evangelical organization,” he said. “Getting ‘fresh dollars’ is like getting gold.”

Lebanon’s economic stability had long been pegged to the US dollar, which circulated freely in the local market. But propping up the stability was a pyramid scheme of national debt. When the government defaulted last spring, the structure collapsed.

Dollars became scarce, and banks would not release deposits. A physical greenback—now available only if sent “fresh” from abroad—has a black-market value over 10 times the official rate, making it possible to keep up with inflation.

Many evangelical institutions in Lebanon are connected to Western churches, mission organizations, and aid agencies. Habibi, previously a Nazarene high school teacher, gets his salary from ABTS partially in dollars. He said he would be a “phony” if he counseled others to stay.

Teachers are among the hardest hit—and without fresh dollars. In many schools, their full monthly salary pays only for a tank of gas. At AUB, better off than most, 15 percent of professors have emigrated. The Association of Evangelical Schools in Lebanon estimates that the private-education sector has lost 10 percent of its teachers, though only 5 percent within their own Christian network.

Similarly, most churches are dependent on local tithes and offerings. Raising money abroad, the Baptist convention has secured two years of support for 12 of its pastors. The Presbyterian synod hopes to do so in the new year.

Habibi’s Nazarene church has received help from its members who have previously emigrated. Such gifts are irregular but do help to provide aid to his 120-person congregation in the lower-class Beirut neighborhood of Sin el-Fil. The poor have few opportunities to leave Lebanon, he said. However, in the last 18 months, five of his church’s leaders have done so.

The frustration fuels not only his ministry but also his political activism.

A member of a left-leaning party that enthusiastically embraced the uprising, Habibi rails at the corruption of Lebanese politics. The national board for public development channels 60 percent of investment through 10 well-connected companies. And of the banks—freezing customer deposits—18 of the top 20 are linked to prominent political elites.

“I fight for justice as a Christian ethic,” Habibi said, “but I don’t believe in my country anymore.”

But where Habibi stays, many other Lebanese believe in their second passport.

Ralph Zarazir fights exactly this spirit.

“I hope they find the light at the end of the tunnel, and still believe in this country,” said the representative of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) to the National Dental Board. “They should stay and vote.”

The FPM is a right-leaning Christian party within Lebanon’s democratic but sectarian political system. Executive and legislative positions are apportioned by religion, and the FPM currently controls the presidency and has the largest share of parliament seats. With such prominence comes the ire of both political opposition and revolutionary activists.

But Zarazir looks toward upcoming March elections for validation of their leadership. While recognizing the limitations of the sectarian system, FPM considers itself a defender of historic Christian rights. With due respect to Muslim contributions, he says the nation’s democracy and human rights link back to faith.

“Lebanon exists as it is because of the presence of Christians,” he said. “Otherwise, we would look like Jordan, Saudi Arabia, or even Yemen.”

No official figures exist, but Christians represent roughly a third of Lebanon’s population, as do both Sunni and Shiite Muslims. Previously a majority, Christians are still guaranteed half of parliament. The diaspora is majority Christian.

With earlier access to missionary-developed education, Christians disproportionately rose to business and political prominence. This facilitated not only their means of emigration but also financial remittances to the poor back home.

Zarazir’s office provides discounts for cleanings and cavities. Through connections in Europe, he organizes medical convoys. But today, even the upper class is stretched.

“If they don’t get their quality dental implants, they will leave the country,” Zarazir said. “It sounds foolish to help [the upper class], but if they go, this would devastate the Christian community.”

The economy is devastating everyone, rich or poor. Evangelicals are holding on, struggling to stay. Their personal circumstances are known only to God.

But they are divided about emigration.

From Isaiah 10, Zailaa compared the church to the remnant of Israel, through whom God wishes to rebuild the nation. Drawing from Nehemiah’s broken walls in Jerusalem, he preached that the godly pattern is to run into a crisis, not away from it. And Ruth provides a picture of staying with the people of God, despite suffering.

“God does not have us here by accident,” he said, “and is preparing us for what is necessary.”

The cross calls us to suffering, Kashouh agreed. And he urged people to view their decision as part of the whole church, rather than through an individualistic lens. But overall, he found no clear biblical answer to the question of emigration.

“If you decide to leave Lebanon, we bless you,” he said. “[Whether you are] with us or without us, the Lord shepherds his church.”

News

After Ireland Legalized Abortion, the Pro-Life Movement Split Strategies

Three years after repeal, evangelical leaders navigate pandemic politics to advocate for a more holistic approach rather than another culture war battle.

Christianity Today October 29, 2021
Karen Huber

On the first cold autumn evening in Dublin’s City Centre, more than 200 people gathered for a pro-life rally in front of Leinster House, the home of Ireland’s parliament, Dáil Éireann.

In the three years since a national referendum legalized abortion in the country, Christian engagement around the issue has shifted and divided, particularly in the midst of clashing responses to COVID-19.

Now, the country’s abortion law is being reviewed by the Irish government.

Megan Ní Scealláin, a leader with the nondenominational Life Institute, which sponsored last week’s Rethink Abortion rally, said it sent a “message to the Dáil to say that this review must examine the actual facts of the abortion regime. We don’t want a whitewash of reality, and the Irish people deserve an honest appraisal.”

The group is calling for a full assessment of the number of abortions which have taken place since the 2018 law: 13,243, according to official government reports. A mandatory three-year review of Ireland’s abortion laws is set to begin before the end of the year, with some politicians and abortion rights groups advocating for extended access, including the removal of the current three-day waiting limit.

Holding electronic candles and pro-life signs highlighting current abortion rates, demonstrators heard from Christian leaders, politicians, workers at local crisis pregnancy centers, and even the muffled pulse of a heartbeat in utero, through the help of a fetal monitor and microphone.

“It really does my heart good to see everyone out there on this cold night,” Ní Scealláin told the crowd. “We’re not for turning, we’re not for giving in, and we’ll always stand for life!”

Ireland’s vote to legalize abortion is seen as part of a larger cultural shift taking place in the historically Catholic country. After same-sex marriage was legalized through a national referendum in 2015, the hashtag #Repealthe8th began to target the constitutional amendment that essentially outlawed abortion.

It had been in place since the 1980s, and over the years, some 170,000 Irish women have traveled abroad to receive abortions. The repeal campaign was a success, passing with 64 percent turnout and 66 percent of the vote. In December 2018, new legislation regulating abortion up to 12 weeks (after 12 weeks in some specific circumstances, including a threat to the mother’s life) was drafted into law.

Since the repeal, the Christian pro-life movement in Ireland has gone different ways in its approach.

“There’s a group of people who were very activated at the time, and now have basically just said, ‘Well, we lost. Move on,’” said Nick Park, executive director of Evangelical Alliance Ireland. “There’s two other groups that have reacted quite differently, and that is to say, ‘Why did we lose the referendum, and what fundamental changes need to be made?’”

For some, it’s ignited a culture war mentality and a desire to turn back liberal changes being made in Irish society. Park sees himself as part of another group, who have grown more committed to modeling a holistic pro-life ethic.

“Maybe the reason we lost the referendum was because people didn’t believe us when we said we were pro-life, because we’ve not been,” said Park, who also pastors Solid Rock Church of God in Drogheda. “The church in general has not been pro-life in other areas, and that needs addressed.”

Crisis pregnancy centers have seen a steady increase not only in women reaching out for support, but in volunteers offering their services.

“Even before the referendum, I always said, ‘What can I do?’ After the referendum, it really gave me the nudge to say, I want better for women. I want more for women in our country,” said Corrine Claffey Concannon, who directs a new office of the crisis pregnancy nonprofit Gianna Care, which opened last year in County Offaly. “To me, that’s something amazing that came from repeal: that people actually just got up and said, ‘How can we help?’”

The pandemic, though, has accelerated the needs of the vulnerable while deepening philosophical divides among pro-life Christians. Ireland is now facing its fifth wave of COVID-19 after only recently emerging one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in Europe.

Meanwhile, the coalition government, led by Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Micheál Martin, struggles to solve a severe housing shortage, causing house prices to increase by 10 percent in the previous year. Concannon said Gianna has seen more women in crisis “for so many reasons” during the pandemic and a “gaping hole” in government support options.

At the same time, current divisions in the evangelical church over pandemic policies make a collaboration toward a coherent pro-life strategy difficult.

A disillusionment toward the media in the wake of its coverage of #Repealthe8th, which many Christians— including Park, the Life Institute, and Gianna Care—felt was biased and unfair, has fostered mistrust and anti-lockdown, anti-vaccine sentiment. Meanwhile, new reader-funded platforms like Gript have entered the media space offering alternative views that “challenge the stale consensus.”

“I just don’t believe the church is in a place right now where we can move together on [pro-life issues] effectively because we’re so divided ourselves,” said Park.

The human rights-infused evangelical push to protect the vulnerable—the idea that the same pro-life values that lead someone to oppose abortion would encourage them to reduce the risk of COVID-19—stand in contrast to increasingly politicized antiabortion stances of Catholics and Protestants on the right.

“If we cannot address all [pro-life] issues in a reasoned way, then you leave the stage clear for the extremists and that benefits nobody,” he said, referencing new right-wing and “very Trumpian” groups which have garnered more of a following since 2018.

Still, Evangelical Alliance Ireland and new organizations like The Minimise Project and Zoe Community think there’s room to pursue apolitical pro-life advocacy among both Christians and non-believers. The Minimise Project facilitates “constructive dialogue” from a secular perspective, while Zoe Community approaches the issue as Christians, focusing on younger generations.

“For good reason, there’s this conception that a church is where you go to be criticized. But on a real deep level, I hope that in the future a woman in crisis pregnancy will look at a Christian and say, ‘I know that I am not going to be criticized when I talk to this person,” said Katy Edgmon, the director of Zoe Community, which opened in the wake of the new law and trains volunteers to connect with women in crisis. “That’s what I want to see.”

Books

The Paradox of Playfulness

Christians can engage in whimsy not because life is easy, but because life is difficult.

Christianity Today October 27, 2021
Illustration by Mallory Rentsch / Source Images: George Marks / Spiderplay / Getty Images

In the early 1980s, my grandfather was diagnosed with a brain tumor. The surgeons told my grandparents that they were confident in their skill, but it was still brain surgery (in the early 80s!) and not without risk. Still, if he didn’t have the procedure, he would lose his eyesight.

The night before he went under the knife, his nurses were surprised to hear music coming from his hospital room. His four adult children had driven from far and wide and gathered with their mother by his bedside. Instead of worrying or weeping, they were singing hymns.

Were they nervous? Of course. But on the eve of what could be their last morning together, they chose to express their love through play. There were tears, but there was also the joy of voices lifted together—the very same voices that had been blending since my grandparents first set their tots around the piano decades earlier. My grandfather has always espoused the words of one of my favorite hymns: “Heart of my own heart, whatever befall / Still be my vision, O ruler of all.”

I wasn’t at that bedside; I hadn’t even been born yet. But the story has echoed down through our family for decades and changed the way we live, even on the cusp of potential tragedy.

While the influence of play can scarcely be overstated, its importance is commonly overlooked. We are often far too focused on completing the necessary tasks of life to spend time pursuing frivolity. Put another way, who has time to play when the challenges facing us are so very, very serious?

As Thomas Hobbes famously wrote, life can be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Scripture describes our lives as fading as quickly as “the flowers of the field” (1 Pet. 1:24). We don’t have much time here on this earth, and the time we do have overflows with obstacles, tedium, and heartache. The paradox of play is this: We engage in whimsy not because life is easy but because life is difficult.

Playfulness begins with a first, simple yes. When a smile is offered, do you smile in return? When music plays, will you dance? When the ball is thrown, do you hold out your hand to catch it? Playfulness follows a simple pattern of invitation, permission, and release: We are invited into play (or we invite ourselves). We receive permission to play (or we grant ourselves permission). Finally, there is the release of falling into playfulness—the moment of joy itself.

The paradox of play is this: We engage in whimsy not because life is easy but because life is difficult.

This pattern takes place all over, from Broadway theaters to kitchen tables, from college classrooms to apartment balconies, from nursery schools to assisted living facilities. It is visible in every human age group, culture, and society, as well as the higher tiers of the animal kingdom. Otters, anyone? Dolphins? Dachshunds? According to play expert Stuart Brown, the more advanced the species, the more it plays.

Playfulness is good-natured and a little mischievous. It lives with open hands, not worried about controlling each little detail, but instead available for spontaneity and discovery. Improvisation is playful; so is wonder. Playfulness helps us embrace even mistakes and failure as opportunities. It is a way of moving about in the world ready to be surprised, excited, enthralled, and blessed. Playfulness is key to understanding ourselves and the God who created us, and key to living into the freedom God gives to us in Christ.

I use playfulness rather than play because we tend to think of play as a limited activity. Play can seem binary—we are either playing or we are not—but it’s possible for playfulness to infuse nearly every minute and area of our lives. We can playfully wash the dishes, even if few of us would describe that activity itself as play. It’s possible to be playful in our relationships, our work, our recreation.

We can keep a house playfully and raise children playfully. We can run a meeting playfully, sew a button playfully, and shop for groceries playfully. Even sex can be an inherently playful act. All playfulness involves play, though play is not always playful. For example, an NFL quarterback losing a big game will still be playing football, but likely with grim determination rather than playfulness. When I do speak of play, it will be in reference to undertaking activities of any kind with a spirit of playfulness, rather than engaging in specific play activities.

Playfulness is essential to human flourishing. Abraham Maslow recognized it in his hierarchy of needs, situating it just under physical needs—food, water, shelter—and safety. Play helps meet the deep human need for love and belonging, for esteem and self-actualization (the pursuit of growth, transformation, and wholeness). It is the oil that helps the engine of life run more smoothly. It’s the glue that holds people—and cultures—together. It brings a lightness to the otherwise often heavy tasks of living.

One of best definitions I encountered was from Registered Play Therapist Malaika Clelland, who told me what play does, rather than what it is: “Play is anything that brings us joy and connection,” she said. Bingo.

Playfulness lights up the pleasurable areas of our brains, increasing levels of serotonin, dopamine, and a host of other happy chemicals. It deepens our bonds with one another, increasing trust and rapport. It opens our eyes to new possibilities and ways of thinking, helping us discover new ideas, perspectives, and solutions. When I asked Clelland how play helped in her counseling practice, she smiled and said, “It doesn’t just help. The play is the therapy.”

Some of the best, most successful work is underscored by playfulness. Why else would billion-dollar companies like Google, Facebook, and Amazon feature corporate offices with ping-pong tables, creative seating, botanical gardens, and game rooms? Apple’s headquarters include a thousand bicycles for its employees to get around its vast campus. Sure, a shuttle might be more efficient, but would it be more fun?

Playfulness also helps us innovate. According to Free to Learn author Peter Gray, play “underlies many of the greatest accomplishments of adults.” Working hard, without breaks, whimsy, or creative reset time, can be the enemy of working well. Before Sal Khan founded Khan Academy, a brilliant—and free!—online educational program, he was a hedge fund manager.

“I gotta stay here and look for more investment ideas!” he told his boss as his workday neared its end. His boss told him to go home. “Okay!” said Khan. “I’ll go home and look for more investment ideas!” Finally, his boss clarified his expectations:

You’re not going to help anybody by just … having the appearance of motion. [If you tire] yourself out, then you’re just going to make bad decisions. … When you’re at work, have your game face on … but in order to do that, you’re going to have to have other things in your life. You should read interesting books; you should recharge. That recharging is going to … keep you creative.

This reframing not only transformed Khan’s experience as a financial manager; it sowed the seeds of innovation that later helped him create a brilliant and equitable educational resource. Play can, quite literally, change the world.

While a playful spirit can help our minds flex into new ways of thinking, it also helps shield us from the fear of failure that can cripple true innovation. Playful people trust that mistakes have lessons to teach and missteps can turn into surprising wins. After all, everything from super glue to penicillin was created by accident: Inventors noticed something new and interesting while in pursuit of designing something totally different.

Creative thinkers are often masters of play. Albert Einstein described himself as untalented but “passionately curious.” Thomas Edison loved reading and reciting poetry. Martin Luther King Jr. sang in his church choir. Marie Curie kept a sample of radium on her bedside table as a nightlight.

When we begin reembracing playfulness, approaching our work, rest, worship, and recreation with whimsy, incredible transformation is possible. We become less bound by the fear of failure and more open to transformation and ingenuity. We solve problems faster and with greater ease. We sleep better and experience less stress. We connect more easily with others and more readily see ourselves as part of a team. Most importantly, we are happier.

So if playfulness is really the answer—or at the very least, an answer—in our pursuit of happiness, how do we embrace it? Just trying to have more fun is rarely successful for long. In seasons of grief or exhaustion, when we’re under unrelenting pressure or facing health challenges, the instruction to just be happier can feel oppressive at best and downright cruel at worst.

My friend Kay reminded me of a truly horrific quote from Fiddler on the Roof: “God would like us to be joyful even when our hearts lie panting on the floor.” Ugh, no. Truly, he would not. Last I checked, Jesus is screaming psalms about God’s abandonment while in agony on the cross, not pre-quoting Paul’s admonition to “Rejoice always!” while whistling a happy tune.

Paradoxically, feelings of sadness, loss, longing, and even pain can—and often do—coexist with playfulness. Poet Ross Gay writes that “joy is the mostly invisible … underground union between us. … We might call it sorrow.” Playfulness doesn’t stuff emotions down or ignore them; it doesn’t will them away or tell them they’re unwelcome. It notices, nurtures, and grants permission.

Think of an Irish wake where tears mingle with stories of the beloved. Picture a dose of laughing gas taking the edge off a painful birth. Remember Jesus on the cross, reaching for the intrinsically poetic language of the psalmist to express his anguish.

Often it is suffering that breaks our hearts open to the human necessity of play. People who have it all together—or appear to—love to take themselves much too seriously. But those who know of their desperate need for God and their own fallibility and foibles can begin giving in to the release of playfulness. What grace! What relief! It is perhaps for this reason that Jesus speaks so strongly of the place of sinners in the kingdom of God and the struggle the self-righteous will have in entering it.

As Jesus puts it in Matthew’s gospel: “It is not the healthy who need a doctor, but the sick” (9:12).

And here is what I love about the gospel: Wherever there’s pain and difficulty, ache and sadness, grief and fear, and just getting through the day, there is also hope. This hope tends to show up when we least expect it, shining through the gloom, illuminating the darkness, flitting about like a lightning bug.

Happiness doesn’t have to be earned. If we are looking for playfulness and open to its magic, it will start to break in everywhere, performing its fantastic work on us and in us and through us.

Courtney Ellis is an associate pastor at Presbyterian Church of the Master, a speaker, and an author. This article is an adapted excerpt from Happy Now: Let Playfulness Lift Your Load and Renew Your Spirit (Rose Publishing).

News

Worried Christians ‘Wait and See’ After Sudan Coup

With believers unable to communicate, international advocates weigh in on how the Sudanese church—buoyed by recent religious freedom gains—considers the military seizure of power.

Sudanese demonstrators lift national flags and burn tires in the capital Khartoum on October 26, 2021, as they protest a military coup that overthrew the transition to civilian rule.

Sudanese demonstrators lift national flags and burn tires in the capital Khartoum on October 26, 2021, as they protest a military coup that overthrew the transition to civilian rule.

Christianity Today October 26, 2021
AFP / Getty Images

Amid a near complete phone and internet blackout, Sudan’s Christians are on high alert following a military coup.

Yesterday the head of the North African nation’s transitional Sovereign Council, Gen. Abdel Fattah Burhan, arrested its civilian prime minister, Abdalla Hamdok, his wife, and other officials.

Hamdok, who called the arrests a “complete coup,” called for protests. The Forces of Freedom and Change alliance, which organized the original 2018 revolution that ousted 30-year dictator Omar al-Bashir, called for civil disobedience.

Thousands have filled the streets and were met with repression. Reports say 10 people have been killed and 80 injured.

CT spoke with an American ministry leader who was able to contact a Christian source in Sudan. The leader requested anonymity to preserve their ability to travel. The source was very careful in communication.

“All I can really say is that it is very important to pray for peace and security for all in Sudan,” said the leader, “and that the voice of the people would be heard.”

Meanwhile, a Sudanese Catholic leader felt secure enough to be specific.

“The international community should put their pressure on the junta to value the life of their citizens,” Yunan Tombe Trille, president of the Sudan Catholic Bishops’ Conference, told ACI Africa, “[and] to hand back the power to civil government.”

The military eventually supported the revolutionary movement and in July 2019 agreed to share power within the Sovereign Council. The arrangement: The initial 21 months would be led by a military figure, then 18 months of civilian leadership, followed by elections.

Peace deals with rebels in Darfur and the Nuba Mountains reset the timetable to integrate former fighters into the official military and governance structures. The new date for civilian transfer was not specified. Some reports said it was due next month.

Last month, an attempted coup was put down. Tension has since characterized the military-civilian relationship, as economic gains have been slow to materialize.

Sudan’s cabinet instituted reforms requested by the International Monetary Fund, removing subsidies as inflation skyrocketed 400 percent. And recently an antigovernment tribal group in the east blockaded Sudan’s essential Red Sea port, preventing the arrival of vital supplies.

Other tensions pertain to seeking military reform and oversight, surrendering Bashir to the International Criminal Court, and releasing the results of an investigation into the June 2019 massacre of demonstrators allegedly committed by current members of the Sovereign Council.

Over the last two weeks, pro-military and pro-civilian demonstrators have organized rallies.

A US envoy visited Sudan to warn about leaving the path toward democracy. The coup took place a few hours after his departure. The Biden administration immediately paused $700 million in emergency economic aid. USAID stated humanitarian assistance would continue, of which $386 million had already been disbursed this year.

Burhan suspended the transitional constitution, pledged a technocratic government, and said the military will remain in charge until elections in July 2023. Reports said Central Bank employees have gone on strike, while medical personnel have refused to work at military hospitals.

Sudan’s civilian government had won international praise for its promotion of religious freedom, removing Islam as the state religion, dropping the death penalty for apostasy, and even letting Christians march for Jesus in the capital. Sudanese Christians were greatly encouraged as changes moved their government away from the discriminatory practices of Bashir’s regime.

“Who is behind this move?” reported Agenzia Fides, the Vatican’s news service, quoting an anonymous Sudanese Christian source. “Are they Islamists? A more secular branch?”

The source said there was “great uncertainty and fear.” But sympathies were with Hamdok and the civilian leadership.

“They are good people … who [paid] for their loyalty to the people,” the source told Fides. “They [the military] say they did it to save the revolution but it is an act that definitively buries it.”

Reports said that just prior to the coup, the military asked Hamdok to join in executive leadership. This was not received well.

“The officers want power without losing face,” the source told Fides, “as if people were stupid and not already aware of the maneuvers.”

The arrested include the governor of Khartoum and the spokesman of the Sovereign Council. Sacked along with the others is the minister of religious affairs who had invited Texas pastor Bob Roberts to lead a religious freedom delegation planned for next week.

“How will religious minorities be treated?” said Roberts, global senior pastor at Northwood Church and cofounder of the Multi-Faith Neighbors Network. “It is too early to tell, but they have a right to be concerned.”

Roberts’ initiative would have launched imam-pastor dialogue groups in five cities, joined by David Saperstein, Mohamed Elsanousi, and Mohamed Magid. The latter’s father was formerly Sudan’s grand mufti.

The multifaith group expressed hope for the preservation of religious freedom.

With worry, so did Christian advocacy organizations.

“A window of opportunity towards religious freedom in Sudan could be about to close,” stated Paul Robinson, CEO of Release International. “We need only glance back a few years to Sudan under a hard-line Islamist government, to be genuinely concerned about what Sudan could be like again.”

In 2017, his associate Petr Jasek was jailed for investigating church destruction. Robinson called for Sudan to protect both civil and religious rights. “Please pray that those most basic freedoms—to choose who will rule their country and to decide for themselves which faith they wish to follow—will be upheld in Sudan.”

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) called for action. “Steps should be taken to ensure that protestors are able to exercise their rights peacefully,” stated president Mervyn Thomas, “and that financial and other punitive measures are imposed on the military until a civilian administration is restored.”

However, Scott Gration, the former Obama-era US special envoy to Sudan, warns against too harsh a reaction. “There is a military legacy that is wise to consider,” he said. “We have to get back to the arrangement of cooperation, despite the feeling to punish the generals.”

The international community must come down hard to reverse the arrests, he said. But civil democracy will be better rooted if the military is a partner in a methodical transition. A son of former missionaries to the Congo, Gration said much more needed to be done to ensure economic success.

When Sudan agreed to normalization with Israel last October, it solidified Washington’s intention to remove the nation from the US list of state supporters of terrorism. But while progress has been made on debt relief, the international community has been slow with foreign investments.

Furthermore, the accord with Israel sharpened lines between religious groups in Sudan. Minorities may have been caught in the middle.

“If Islamist or conservative elements of the military take over,” Gration said, “it will really scare many Christians.”

An unnamed Sudanese diplomat told the Israeli press that the takeover would not dramatically affect the normalization process. It might even advance, he said, as the military can lend stronger support than nervous civilian politicians.

If true, it might align well with larger geopolitical interests.

Reports have said that Egypt has been nurturing its relationship with Sudan’s formal military, while Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have allied with the Darfur-based Rapid Support Forces, whose commander is also on the Sovereign Council.

Eric Patterson, executive vice president of the Religious Freedom Institute, called them out specifically. “It is important that the international community, especially Arab states and neighbors such as Egypt, actively condemn this coup,” he said.

So far, their response has been tepid. Egypt and Saudi Arabia called for “restraint,” with vague statements to preserve gains and protect unity. The Arab League was stronger, asking all to “fully abide” by the transitional constitution.

But even with that constitution, said retired missionary John Ashworth, many Christians and other religious minorities remained “cautious” about the new dispensation.

“While they were of course happy to see the end of Bashir,” said the longtime Sudan analyst, the experience of Sudanese Christians under every Khartoum regime since independence—civilian or military, democratic or dictatorship, Islamist or simply Islamic—has been of oppression, marginalization, and discrimination.

“They have good reason to wait and see before endorsing any new regime,” said Ashworth.

Whether under Burhan or Hamdok, Sudanese Christians have a biblical mandate to be the people of God under any circumstances, Trille told ACI Africa. The Catholic bishop appears pessimistic that the situation remains the same.

“The church in Sudan has (never) remained silent under the Cross of Christ, despite some changes which took place in Sudan,” he said. “The attitude of the rulers towards the church has never changed.”

News

Ghana Churches Push Law to Combat Promotion of Homosexuality

Parliament is set to debate a controversial bill that would increase sentences for same-sex relationships and ban advocacy rights groups.

Christianity Today October 26, 2021
Nipah Dennis / Getty Images

The majority of Christian churches in Ghana are backing a proposed law that, if passed, could send lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people to prison for five years and those who advocate for their rights for 10.

The controversial Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill was drafted in part by Edem Senanu, chair of Advocates for Christ-Ghana. He told CT he believes the law is necessary because of the “escalating promotion of the LGBTQIA+ community in Ghana.”

A South Africa-based group that advocates for LGBT rights attempted to organize a conference in Ghana in July 2020 and an LGBT resource center opened in Accra, the capital, in January 2021. Though the conference was canceled and the resource center closed, they raised concern among conservative Christians in the West African country.

“It was an escalation,” Senanu said. “It seemed strange and also an affront that anyone could openly set up an office to promote the LGBTQIA+ community, using their clout and influence and financial resources to recruit young people to join their ranks.”

Ghana law currently prohibits “unnatural carnal knowledge,” a statute carried over from British law when Ghana achieved independence in 1957. The crime carries a three-year sentence but is rarely enforced.

The bill increasing the penalties for same-sex relations was presented to parliament in June by eight lawmakers, led by Samuel George, with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) party currently in the opposition. It is due to be debated after parliament resumes on October 26.

The Christian Council of Ghana, which includes Anglicans, Methodists, and Presbyterians, and the Ghana Pentecostal and Charismatic Council (GPCC), an umbrella group of 200 churches and ministries, issued a joint statement backing the draft law. They urged parliament to pass the bill and President Nana Akufo-Addo to sign it, saying homosexuality is “unacceptable behaviour that our God frowns upon” and “alien to the Ghanaian culture and family value system.”

The two organizations have also argued the law will “help safeguard our cherished family system in Ghana.”

Rights groups like Rightify Ghana, on the other hand, say the bill is a populist ploy to distract Christians and other voters from the real problems that politicians haven’t been able to fix, including government corruption, unemployment, and poor infrastructure.

“There is a belief that when you hate LGBTQ people, you win votes,” Danny Bediako, executive director of Rightify, told CT.

Ghana is one of 32 African nations where homosexuality is criminalized. It is a deeply conservative country, especially when it comes to sexuality and gender roles. About 71 percent identify as Christians. Data gathered in 2016 and 2018 by the pan-African research body Afrobarometer showed that only 7 percent of Ghanaians would like to have an LGBT neighor or not care if their neighbor was gay.

LGBT people in Ghana face blackmail, beatings, ostracism, school suspension, and loss of employment, according to activists. They believe things will likely get harder if the law passes. One provision will disband any organization that serves the LGBT community or defends their basic civil rights.

Rightify Ghana, which trains paralegals and cares for people with HIV in addition to advocating for LGBT rights, would be forced to close if the law passed in its current form, according to Bediako.

According to some activists, it is difficult just to disagree with the predominant anti-LGBT view in the country.

“Anyone who experiences a different point of view from the anti-gay perspective is at risk in Ghana,” said Davis Mac-Iyalla, director of the Accra-based Interfaith Diversity Network of West Africa, an organization that works to build bridges between different faith groups and to promote acceptance of LGBT people.

Mac-Iyalla said the church support for the law is especially frustrating, because many LGBT people in Ghana are themselves committed, faithful Christians.

“It's worrying to see mainstream churches and religious institutions avoiding the main needs and issues affecting Ghanaians but instead talking about human sexuality and promoting hate,” he said. “Many LGBT people live with constant spiritual violence and abuse from their religious denominations or institutions.”

The proposed law has faced sharp opposition from human rights advocates and international Black celebrities, such as actor Idris Elba and model Naomi Campbell. Critics inside and outside Ghana have called on Ghana politicians to reject the law with the social media hashtag #KillTheBill.

Some Ghana leaders are worried the law would alienate international tourists, businesses, and Western nations supporting economic development in Ghana.

Some of the most controversial clauses promote conversion therapy, offering “flexible sentencing” for any convicted person who “openly recants” and requests “approved medical help.” According to the bill, this kind of therapy “reflects the policy to provide support and assistance to persons who, for psychological or biological reasons may become easy prey to lifestyle LGBTTQQIAAP+ persons.”

Another contentious clause in the bill could also impact heterosexual Christians in Ghana. The law includes a “duty to report,” making it a criminal offense not to tell authorities about LGBT people.

Akosua Adomako Ampofo, a professor at the University of Ghana’s Institute of African Studies, says this “potentially criminalizes all Ghanaians.”

“If I fail to report my family member, colleague, or student for any of the offences, I too become a criminal,” Ampofo wrote.

As a Christian commanded by Jesus to love her neighbor, Ampofo argued she couldn’t support such a law.

“When I read the Bill, I cannot find grace or compassion,” she said. “What I find is judgment, and condemnation.”

Paul Frimpong-Manso, president of the GPCC, has acknowledged the bill is not perfect but urged support for the law regardless.

“We are not oblivious of the fact that there is still room for improvement on this bill,” he said in an official statement. “We would continue to pray to the Lord Almighty for strength, wisdom, courage, boldness and sense of conviction for all involved in this process to carry through this divine assignment for God, country and generations yet unborn.”

A majority of the members of parliament appear to support the Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, observers say. Some parts of the bill could be amended during debate, though, and there may be some last-minute opposition to the proposed law.

Senanu said he expects it to pass.

“We have the majority,” he said. “The churches have a very strong view of this.”

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